AGAINST: Vice-President Sebutinde; Judge ad hoc Barak;
(2) Indicates the following provisional measures:
The State of Israel shall, in conformity with its obligations under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, and in view of the
worsening conditions of life faced by civilians in the Rafah Governorate:
(a) By thirteen votes to two
Immediately halt its military offensive, and any other action in the Rafah
Governorate, which may inflict on the Palestinian group in Gaza conditions of life that
could bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
IN FAVOUR: President Salam; Judges Abraham, Yusuf, Xue, Bhandari, Iwasawa,
Reacties uitgeschakeld voor International Court of Justice/Application of the Convention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v Israel)/24 May 2024
Since Yahya Sinwar, his close aides and Hamas militants have never been
found in Gaza City and then not in Khan Yunis, the Israeli army is
considering expanding its ground operation into the southern Gaza city of
Rafah.
The army is doing so because it assumes that Sinwar and his aids
are hiding in the tunnels underneath this southern region of the Gaza Strip,
presumably holding on to the Israeli hostages who are still alive.
Most of the Gaza Strip residents, some 1.4 million people, are concentrated
in Rafah.
Tens of thousands are still fleeing into the city from Khan Yunis,
where the fighting continues. The thought that Israel will invade Rafah and
that fighting will take place between and near civilians terrifies the city's
residents and the internally displaced persons.
The terror they feel is
augmented by the conclusion that nobody can prevent Israel from carrying
out its intention – not even the ICJ ruling that orders Israel to take all
measures to avoid acts of genocide.
Military correspondents in Israel report and assume that the army intends to
order residents of Rafah to move to a safe area. Since the war started, the
army has been waving around this evacuation or
der as evidence that it is
acting in order to prevent any harm to ”uninvolved civilians”
This safe zone, however, which was bombarded and still is bombarded by
Israel, is gradually shrinking.
The only safe zone that truly remains, and
which the IDF is now designating for the masses of people in Rafah, is Al-
Mawasi – a southern Gaza coastal area of approximately 16 square
kilometers (about 6 square miles).
It’s still unclear by what verbal measures the IDF and its legal experts
intend to reconcile this squeezing of so many civilians with the orders
given by the ICJ.
PAGE 3
”The humanitarian zone designated by the army is around the size of Ben-
Gurion International Airport (about 6.3 square miles)” concluded Haaretz
journalists Yarden Michaeli and Avi Scharf in their report earlier this week.
The report, titled "Gazans Fled Their Homes.
They Have Nowhere to
Return to”, revealed the vast devastation across the Gaza Strip as captured
in Satellite images.
The comparison with Ben-Gurion International Airport invites one to imagine
a density beyond anything imaginable, but Israeli TV commentators don't go
much further beyond the deep insight that the ground invasion of Rafah will
indeed, ”won’t be that simple.”
Although it’s difficult, we must imagine what awaits the Palestinians in
Rafah if the army’;s plan is carried out.
We must do so not so much as of humanist and moral considerations, which after October 7 aren’t that relevant to the majority of the Israeli-Jewish public, but because of the military, humanitarian, and -eventually- legal and political entanglementsthat are surely expected if we go down that road. The compression
Even if ”only” about a million Palestinians will flee for the third and fourth
time into Al-Mawasi – an area which is already full of displaced Gazans –
the density will be about 62,500 people per square kilometer (about
157,000 people per square mile).
This will happen in an open area with no skyscrapers to house the
refugees, that has no running water, no privacy, no means of living, no
hospitals or medical clinics, no solar panels to charge phones, and all while
aid organizations will have to cross through or near battle zones in order to
distribute the small amounts of food that do enter the Gaza Strip.
It seems that the only position in which this narrow area could
accommodate everyone would be if they're all standing or kneeling.
Perhaps it’ll be necessary to form special committees that will determine
sleeping arrangements in shifts: a few thousand would lie down while the
rest continue to stand awake.
The buzzing of the drones above and below,
the cries of babies born during the war and whose mothers have no milk or
not enough of it – these will be the unnerving soundtrack.
From what we saw during the IDF’s ground raids and the battles in Gaza
City and Khan Yunis, it’s clear, that the ground operation in Rafah if it
PAGE 4
eventually unfolds, will last many weeks. Does Israel believe that the ICJ
will consider the compression of hundreds of thousands or a million
Palestinians on a small piece of land a proper ”measure”; that prevents
genocide?
About 270 thousand Palestinians lived in the Rafah district before the war.
The one-and-a-half million who are currently staying there suffer from
hunger and malnutrition; they suffer from thirst, cold, diseases and
spreading infections, from lice in their hair and skin rash; they suffer from
physical and mental exhaustion and a chronic lack of sleep.
They crowd in
schools, hospitals and mosques, in tent neighborhoods that have sprung up
in and around Rafah, and in apartments that house dozens of displaced
families.
Tens of thousands of them are wounded, including those whose limbs were
amputated due to the army's attacks or surgeries that followed. They all
have relatives and friends – children, babies and elderly parents – who
have been killed in the past four months.
The houses of most of them were destroyed or badly damaged. All their
possessions are lost.
Their money has run out due to the high and
exorbitant food prices.
Many escaped death only by chance, and witnessed
the dreadful sights of dead bodies. They don’;t mourn the dead yet because
the trauma continues.
Along with displays of support and solidarity, disputes
and fights also occur. Some lose their memory and sanity from all the
suffering.
As it has done in other areas in the strip, to maintain the element of
surprise, the IDF will issue a warning about two hours before a ground
invasion into Rafah. This will give the residents a time window of a few
hours that day to evacuate the city.
Imagine this convoy of refugees and the mass panic of people fleeing
toward Al-Mawasi in the west. Think of the elders, the sick, the disabled and
the wounded who will be ”lucky” to be transported in donkey carts or
makeshift wheelbarrows and in cars that run on cooking oil.
All the others – both sick and healthy – will have to leave on foot. They’;ll
probably have to leave behind the little that they’ve managed to collect and
take with them in previous displacements, like blankets and plastic sheets
for shelter, warm clothes, some food and basic items such as small
cookers.
This forced escape march will probably go through the ruins of some of the
buildings that Israel bombed not long ago, or the craters created on the
PAGE 5
road due to the attacks. The whole convoy will then stand still until a detour
is found. Someone is bound to trip; a cartwheel will get stuck in the mud.
And all of them – hungry and thirsty, frightened by the imminent attack or
the expected tank shelling – will continue going forward. Children will cry
and get lost. People will feel bad.
Medical teams will struggle to reach
whoever needs care.
Only 4 kilometers (about 2.4 miles) separate Rafah from Al-Mawasi, but it’;ll
require several hours to cross.
The people marching will be cut off from any
communication, if only because of the packed convoy and the
overcrowding. They’;ll fight over the area where they wish to set up a tent.
They’ll fight over who gets to be closest to a building or a water well.
They’;ll
faint due to thirst and hunger.
The following image will repeat itself several times over the next few days:
A march of starving and frightened Palestinians starts fleeing in panic each
time the IDF announces another area whose residents are supposed to
evacuate, while the tanks and infantry troops advance toward them.
The
shelling and ground troops will get closer to the hospitals that are still
functioning. Tanks will surround them, and all the patients and medical
teams will be required to evacuate to the crowded Al-Mawasi area.
The ground operation
It’;s hard to know how many of them will decide not to leave.
As we learned
from what happened in the northern Gaza districts and Khan Yunis, a
significant number of residents prefer to stay in an area that is destined for
a ground operation.
Among them will be tens of thousands of displaced,
sick and seriously wounded Gazans who are hospitalized, pregnant women
and others who will decide to stay in their own homes and the homes of
their relatives or in schools turned into shelters.
The little information they
will get from the concentration area of Al-Mawasi is enough to discourage
them from joining.
IDF soldiers and commanders, however, interpret the evacuation order
differently: anyone who remains in an area designated for ground invasion
isn’t considered an innocent civilian; they aren’;t considered ”uninvolved”
Anyone who stays in their homes and goes out to fetch water from a city
facility that is still operating or from some private well, medical teams called
to treat a patient, a pregnant woman walking to a nearby hospital to give
birth – all of them, as we saw during the war and in past military campaigns,
are criminalized in the eyes of the soldiers.
Shooting and killing them
follows the IDF’s rules of engagement.
PAGE 6
According to the army, such shootings are carried out in accordance with
international law because these individuals were warned that they must
leave.
Even when soldiers break into houses during the fighting, Gazans,
mainly men, are at risk of death from gunfire.
A soldier shooting someone
because they felt threatened or followed an order – it doesn’t matter. It
happened in Gaza City, and it might happen in Rafah.
Just as the aid teams aren’t authorized or are unable to reach the northern
Gaza Strip to distribute food, they won’t be able to distribute it in the fighting
areas in Rafah.
The little food that the residents managed to save will
gradually run out.
Those who remain in their homes will be forced to choose the lesser of two
evils: either they go out and risk Israeli fire or starve at home.
Most of them
already suffer from a severe lack of nutrients. In many families, adults are
giving up food so that their children can be fed. There’s a real danger that
many will starve to death while in their home as the fighting rages outside.
The bombings
Since the war started, the army bombarded residential buildings, open
areas and passenger cars in every location it had defined as ”safe” (that its
residents weren’;t required to leave). It doesn’t matter if the attacks target
Hamas facilities, the group’s officials or other members who were staying
with their families or have come out of hiding to visit them – civilians are
almost always killed.
The bombings didn’t stop in Rafah either. Overnight into Thursday, two
houses were bombed in the western Rafah neighborhood of Tel al-Sultan.
According to Palestinian sources, 14 people were killed, including five
children.
The sources also said that a mother and daughter were killed in an Israeli
attack on a house in northern Rafah on February 7 and that a journalist was
killed together with his mother and sister in western Rafah the day before.
Also on February 6, the sources added, six Palestinian police officers were
killed in an Israeli attack while they were securing an aid truck in eastern
Rafah.
These attacks indicate that the so-called collateral damage calculations
approved by IDF legal experts and the State Prosecutor’s Office are
extremely permissive. The number of uninvolved Palestinians that it is
”permitted”; to kill in return for hitting an army’s target is higher than in any
previous war.
PAGE 7
People in Rafah are afraid that the IDF will apply these permissive criteria
also in Al-Mawasi, and attack there as well if a target is in the area, among
the hundreds of thousands who take shelter. This is how an announced
safe haven will become a death trap for hundreds of thousands.
Reacties uitgeschakeld voor Article from Amira Hass/”If the Israeli army invades Rafah, what will be of more than 1.5 million Palestinians, who take shelter there?
Half a dozen years ago I sat in the lobby lounge at the Algonquin Hotel in Manhattan talking at length with Richard Falk, the scholar, lawyer, U.N. rapporteur, and advocate of Palestinian rights. Inevitably, the conversation turned for a time to international law, a topic on which Falk has long been a recognized authority. Here is a little of what he said as we took our afternoon tea:
When international law is on the side of the geopolitical actors, then they are very serious about its relevance. When the American embassy was seized in Tehran after the Iranian Revolution, they talked about the flouting of international law as if that was the most sacred body of law that ever existed. International law is used very instrumentally. If you’re protecting private investment in Venezuela or Chile, then it’s barbaric not to uphold it. But if it’s blocking the pursuit of some kind of interventionist project, then it’s flaky or irrelevant to talk about it …
I thought about that exchange over the weekend, as I considered the International Court of Justice’s ruling last Friday that the apartheid state of Israel may be guilty of genocide against Gaza’s Palestinian population, as South Africa charges, and that the case Pretoria brought last month must proceed. Later Friday, the estimable Phyllis Bennis quoted Falk in a piece she wrote for In These Times. Falk called the decision the court’s “greatest moment,” and went on to explain, “It strengthens the claims of international law to be respected by all sovereign states—not just some.”
Consistency of thought: It does not get more admirable than this.
There are many, many ways to look upon the ICJ’s ruling, many things worth saying. The very first of these is that the significance of the ICJ’s interim finding lies beyond dispute. Will the barbarities of a nation self-evidently suffering a collective psychosis now stop? No. What Dick Falk said six years ago still holds: Israel has already made clear it will ignore The Hague’s judgment.
But what “the Jewish state” does this week or next is not for the moment our question. What are the enduring consequences of this ruling for the global order? How shall we situate the court’s judgment? Where does its importance lie? These are our questions. And Falk was right last Friday, too: The ICJ has begun the work—the long work—of restoring international law as a foundational feature of a world order worthy of the term.
Having made this point, I must immediately note the abject deflections we find in the reports of our corporate media—which, nearly to a one, urge their readers, listeners, and viewers to dismiss the ICJ’s interim finding as, borrowing from Falk, more or less flaky and irrelevant. In the second paragraph of its main story Friday, The New York Times, fairly bursting to get the point across, wrote, “The court did not rule on whether Israel was committing genocide, and it did not call on Israel to stop its campaign to crush Hamas…”
Three untruths here, straight off the top. One, the South Africans did not ask The Hague to issue a ruling on genocide one way or the other. In the cause of expedience, to stop the savagery as quickly as possible, it asked for what it got—a swift interim judgment so the court could order Israel to stop the violence and that the larger case on genocide could proceed.
Two, a mountain has been made of the fact that the ICJ did not, in so many words, call upon Israel to cease fire in Gaza. This is preposterously misleading. Peruse the six stipulations that comprise the ruling, the first of which reads, “Israel shall take all measures within its power to prevent all acts within the scope of Genocide Convention, Article 2.” Here I defer to Raz Segal, an Israeli historian who professes at Stockton University in New Jersey. This is from a segment of Democracy Now!, distributed last Friday:
We’re already seeing headlines in The New York Times today which frame this as, “The court did not issue an order for a ceasefire”—which, in effect, it actually did, because if it ordered that Israel should cease from genocidal acts, and it ordered Israel should facilitate the entry of humanitarian aid, it actually said, “You have to cease fire because there is no [other] way of doing that.”
And three, what Israel is doing in Gaza—as any review of the daily death toll will make clear, any five minutes of video footage—can be characterized as “a military campaign to crush Hamas” only by those so abjectly committed to defending Israeli atrocities that all thought of honest reporting and writing is cast aside.
Almost all major media have followed The Times’s lead, per usual. Among the exceptions—and I confess my surprise here—is National Public Radio. It got the no-ceasefire bit wrong, but it otherwise published a quite good, balanced report from London that included worthy material from its South Africa correspondent (unless NPR took this off the wires):
Since former President Nelson Mandela’s administration, South Africa has long supported the Palestinian cause, saying it sees echoes of apartheid in the situation between the Israelis and Palestinians.
“We, as South Africans, will not be passive bystanders and watch the crimes that were visited upon us being perpetrated elsewhere,” [South African President Cyril] Ramaphosa said Friday. He noted the ICJ affirmed South Africa’s right to take Israel to court, “even though it is not a party to the conflict in Gaza.”
But exceptions prove rules, let us not forget. For the sheer nonsense of its reporting, I have to single out—the envelope, please—the reliably egregious MSNBC. You may want to take a moment to read this twice. In its Friday evening newscast, it had it that the ICJ ruling is nicely aligned with the Biden regime’s calls to minimize civilian casualties. Further, we need to know what The Hague’s finding is not and what it does not do: It is not any kind of indictment of the Biden regime’s policy, no, and it does not make Biden and the U.S. complicit in genocide.
It is and it does, in my view.
The running theme in American media is that The Hague’s judgment has changed nothing. Who can be surprised? Nothing ever changes when these media are telling us about the world. America is never wrong. America never makes a mistake. America is never on the wrong side. America is always good. America never loses.
Let us now consider what enormous changes occurred when Joan Donoghue, an American judge who currently presides at The Hague, read out the ruling.
■
As the Israeli military and propaganda machines reached full throttle late last autumn, a friend sent me a video link to a film called Defamation, made in 2009 by an Israeli documentarian named Yoav Shamir. It is a strangely lighthearted but thoroughly serious treatment of how Israel drills into its people, youth and adults alike, the thought that the world, all of it, rages with anti–Semitism, that they are destined to be hated, that they must remain a people apart. My friend urged me to watch it amid the circus-like charges of anti–Semitism everywhere just then overtaking America. I found the film sad—as I do the cynical manipulation of history and memory by people who seem to think nothing of pimping their own past and the suffering of the six million.
I watched Defamation again over the weekend. Here I transcribe a brief passage that features one Suzanne Prince and her husband, Harvey, who are active in the Los Angeles office of the American Defamation League. Shamir, who speaks from behind his camera, has asked them why the ADL makes incessant references to events that occurred many decades in the past:
S.P. To combat it [anti–Semitism] effectively you have to take responsibility for everything that happened in the past, then reach the present, and then go forward….
Y.S. Sometimes you need to give some slack to get what you want.
S.P. No, no, absolutely not…. I bring up everything from the past…. We need to play on that guilt.
Y.S. Maybe the guilt trip we are giving them doesn’t help. Maybe we should give them some slack.
H.P. Moderate.
S.P. The guilt of the father should not be visited upon the sons, true….
H.P. You cannot let it go down, but you can’t keep playing on it as heavily as some people do. You have to be moderate.
This dialogue is now 15 years in the past. Until last Friday I would have said it is likely we are in for at least another 15 years of this kind of thing. We may be: The Israelis have already begun to sound the anti–Semitism bell in response to the ICJ decision. Over the weekend they accused a dozen U.N. employees—of 13,000 in Gaza—of collaborating with Hamas on October 7. I will believe this when I see evidence of it—evidence other than what the Israelis claim is evidence. The Zionist propaganda machine is now exposed. There is no air left in the tires of the Suzanne and Harvey Princes among us. At long last, the disgraceful decades of guilt-tripping is up and one can say so publicly. The Holocaust card, to put the point another way, is at last played out.
Let us not miss the significance of this moment. As others have noted, 75 years of Israeli impunity will now draw to a close. Israel’s crimes can now be called Israel’s crimes. Contempt for the Zionist state can now be legitimately expressed. I describe as best I can a change of consciousness, or of the rules of discourse, or both. All the rubbish condemning criticism of Israel as anti–Semitic can now be discarded for what it is. The ICJ, in the six stipulations it imposes on Israel, requires Tel Aviv to report to the court in one month of its efforts to “prevent genocide.” This is subtle, and very astute. It imposes a higher authority on the Israelis. It tells them, “You are answerable now to something other than yourselves (and, of course, the United States). You are answerable to the community of nations.”
There are many things that are for the moment unclear. If Israel ignores the court, as seems likely, and the U.N. Security Council convenes in response, what will the
Biden regime do? Veto a disciplinary resolution? Abstain? To what extent will Israel be isolated? And to what extent the U.S. with it? What about the Europeans? Will they act with some measure of autonomy in response to The Hague’s judgment? Cut off arms sales, scholarly and cultural exchanges? There are too many such questions to list.
However such eventualities turn out, there are larger matters we must not miss. International law, as Richard Falk noted well, stands to count more now, even if the Israelis transgress it for the umpteenth time. Equally, or maybe this is a yet larger point, it is highly significant that it was South Africa that precipitated last week’s events. The South Africans have emerged over the past year or so, maybe a little more, as committed advocates of a new world order I will call post–Western. They have an enlarging identity as a non–Western power.
We must all stand with the Palestinians, yes, however each of us is able to make this manifest. But we cannot isolate the ICJ’s ruling as a remedy for one incidence of genocide or one case of the aggression of Western power against the non–West. What happened last Friday in The Hague is best understood as a step, a big one, to ending half a millennium of genocides and violence.
The non–West has spoken, it has raised its voice. And it will have ever more to say from here on out.
END OF THE ARTICLE
Reacties uitgeschakeld voor Article from Patrick Lawrence/”Israel’s place in Global Public Space/The Zionist State, like the US, can’t survive in it”
Some weeks ago I heard Jan Wijenberg, a retired Dutch Ambassador, speak about what the International Community could do to break with its complicity to the ongoing violations of international law and human rights by the Israeli regime. Wijenberg served over a decade as an ambassador for the Dutch government in Jemen, Tanzania and Saudi Arabia. He regularly writes to Dutch ministers and politicians to remind them of the responsibility of the international community, and specifically of the Dutch Government and the European Union, to hold Israel accountable to international law. His views are expressed in this article.
Israel is the problem
Quite often is spoken about the conflict in the Middle East between the Palestinians and Israel. If we look at the situation more closely we can observe something different. The media in Israel provide a platform for unpunished, insane calls for murdering peoples and a nation. An example is offered by Professor Arnon Sofer talking about Palestinians living in closed-off Gaza, “…those people will become even bigger animals than they are today, with the aid of an insane fundamentalist Islam… So, if we want to remain alive, we will have to kill and kill and kill. All day, every day. If we don’t kill we will cease to exist…..”1
In 2005 Ehud Barak stated on Dutch television2 that – in a secret and illegal retaliatory campaign against the Palestinian hostage takers at the Munich Olympic Winter Games – he personally had murdered thirteen innocent citizens. According to Barak this would teach the world not to fool around with Israel. Barak was and is not prosecuted for premeditated murder and could achieve the position of the country’s prime minister.
Among the settlers in the occupied Palestinian territories are opportunists and extremely violent Israeli’s who aim to occupy East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. The Palestinians must be driven out of these territories by all means possible, including murder. The government of Israel supports the settlers in full while they lay there hands on Palestinian property and act out their violence on Palestinians.
The annexation of East Jerusalem by Ehud Olmert while he was the mayor of West-Jerusalem can according to the Fourth Geneva Convention be interpreted as a war crime. After the last elections in Israel Ehud Olmert’s Kadima party won the vote and he is now the Prime Minister of Israel.
Israeli policies are driven by the Zionist ideal of creating a Jewish state, including the Palestinian territories. Israel is aiming systematically at destroying the identity of the Palestinian people. The so called “conflict in the Middle East” between Palestinians and Israel does not exist. Zionist Israel is the problem.
Rogue state
Israel is the world’s sole remaining occupying colonial power. It systematically sabotages all international efforts to end the occupation. In its capacity of occupying power Israel violates numerous obligations emanating from Security Council Resolutions and the Geneva Conventions. It also breaches the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
The USA applies a doctrine and the US-administration labels selected countries as ‘Rogue states’. These countries possess weapons of mass destruction illegally, suppress large populations, torture, keep people in detention on a large scale and commit murder outside their national borders. Israel has adopted as a strategy the execution of land and water grabs, the destruction of Palestinian infrastructure (including in education and health), the carrying out of extraterritorial executions, torture, and collective punishments and keeping thousands of Palestinians imprisoned indefinitely without charge or prosecution. On the basis of the definition by the USA, Israel has ever since its establishment been a monumental Rogue state and a highly active member of the Axis of Evil.
Letter to Dutch ministers
In February Wijenberg wrote to the ministers Bot, van Ardenne-van der Hoeven and Nicolaï, ministers of Foreign Affairs, Development Co-operation and State Secretary of European Affairs respectively. He reminded them that according to article 90 of the Dutch Constitution “The government nurtures the development of the international order of law”. So many previous Dutch governments violated this article when it concerns the Middle East. With referral to the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice of 9 July 2004 Wijenberg calls upon the Dutch ministers to show the world that they are serious about international law, justice and democracy. A copy of the letter was sent to the prime minister Balkenende and the minister of Justice Donner. In his view the United States and the European Union – including the Netherlands – have for too long condoned Israels disrespect for international law.
In its response the ministry of Foreign Affairs replies that the Dutch government is actively engaged in an ongoing dialogue with Israel. Wijenberg questions this policy. “”Since when do we politely ask notorious violaters of international law to stop their daily terrorisation of the Palestinian civilians, with assassinations in broad daylight and theft of property, houses, land and water? Why aren’t the harshest peaceful means used to fight this?”
Cal for sanctions
In the view of Wijenberg the European Union and the Netherlands have become an instrument of Israels foreign policy by ignoring its own core values values and respect for international law and human rights. Europe can play a key role in achieving lasting peace for Israel and its neighbours. If Israel refuses to show respect for international law, heavy sanctions against Israel should be installed.
Adri Nieuwhof is an independent consultant and human rights advocate from the Netherlands.
Endnotes
[1] The Jerusalem Post, Up Front weekend supplement (21 May 2004)
[2] NOVA (15 December 2005)
Reacties uitgeschakeld voor Article from Electronic Intifada [2006]/Former Dutch ambassador calls for sanctions if Israel refuses to comply with International Law
All we can do now is to request, beg, cry out: Don’t enter Rafah. An Israeli incursion into Rafah will be an attack on the world’s biggest displaced persons camp. It will drag the Israeli military into committing war crimes of a severity that even it has not yet committed. It is impossible to invade Rafah now without committing war crimes. If the Israel Defense Forces invades
Rafah, the city will become a carmel house.
Around 1,4 million displaced people are now in
Rafah, sheltering in some cases under plastic bags that have been turned into tents. The
American administration, the supposed gatekeeper of Israeli law and
PAGE 2
conscience, has conditioned the invasion of Rafah on an Israeli plan
to evacuate the city. There is not and cannot be any such plan, even if
Israel manages to come up with something.
It is impossible to transport one million entirely destitute people,
some of whom have been displaced two or three times already, from
one safe place to another, that always turn into killing fields. It is
impossible to transport millions of people as if they were calves
meant for shipment. Even calves cannot be transported with such
cruelty.
There is also nowhere to evacuate these millions of people. In the
devastated Gaza Strip, there is nowhere left to go. If the Rafah
refugees are moved to Al-Mawasi, as the IDF will propose in its
humanitarian plan, Al-Mawasi will become the site of a humanitarian
disaster the likes of which we haven’t seen in the Strip.
Yarden Michaeli and Avi Scharf report that the entire population of the
Gaza Strip, 2.3 million people, is supposed to evacuate into an area of
16 square kilometers (6.2 square miles), about the size of Ben-Gurion
International Airport. All of Gaza in the area of the airport, just
imagine.
Amira Hass calculated that if only one million people go to Al-Mawasi,
the population density there will be 62,500 people per square
kilometer. There is nothing in Al-Mawasi: No infrastructure, no water,
no electricity, no homes. Only sand and more sand, to absorb the
blood, the sewage, and the epidemics. The thought of this is not only
bloodcurdling, it also shows the level of dehumanization Israel has
reached in its planning.
Blood will be spilled in Al-Mawasi, as it has been spilled recently in
Rafah, the penultimate safe haven offered by Israel. The Shin Bet
security service will come up with some beat officer affiliated with
Hamas who has to be eliminated by dropping a one-ton bomb on the
new tent camp.
Twenty bystanders, most of them children, will be
killed. The military correspondents will tell us, their eyes shining,
about the wonderful work the IDF is doing in liquidating the top
command of Hamas. Total victory is near, Israelis will be sated once
again.
But even through this force-feeding, the Israeli public must wake up,
and with it the Biden administration. This is an emergency more dire
than any other during this war. The Americans must block the
invasion of Rafah with actions, not words. Only they can stop Israel.
PAGE 3
The conscientious sector of the Israeli public seeks sources of
information other than the cakes for soldiers stations here that call
themselves news channels.
Watch pictures of Rafah on any foreign
network – you won’t see anything in Israel – and you’ll
understand
why it can’t be evacuated.
ll understand the war crimes that are
rampant here.
On Saturday, the body of six-year-old Hind Hamada – or Rajab, in
some news outlets – was found
The girl had became famous all over
the world after the moments of terror she and her family experienced
on January 29 in the face of an Israeli tank – moments that were
recorded in a phone call with the Palestinian Red Crescent, until heraunt’s screams of terror stopped.
. Seven members of the family were
killed; only little Hind was saved, and her fate had remained a mystery
ever since.
Hind was found dead in her aunt’s burned car
at a gas station in Khan Yunis.
She had been wounded, covered by the seven bodies of her
relatives, and she bled to death before she could extricate herselffrom the vehicle.
Hind and her family had responded to Israel’s humanitarian call to evacuate.
Anyone who wants thousands more
Hinds should invade Rafah, whose population will be evacuated to Al-Mawasi.
Some weeks ago I heard Jan Wijenberg, a retired Dutch Ambassador, speak about what the International Community could do to break with its complicity to the ongoing violations of international law and human rights by the Israeli regime. Wijenberg served over a decade as an ambassador for the Dutch government in Jemen, Tanzania and Saudi Arabia. He regularly writes to Dutch ministers and politicians to remind them of the responsibility of the international community, and specifically of the Dutch Government and the European Union, to hold Israel accountable to international law. His views are expressed in this article.
Israel is the problem
Quite often is spoken about the conflict in the Middle East between the Palestinians and Israel. If we look at the situation more closely we can observe something different. The media in Israel provide a platform for unpunished, insane calls for murdering peoples and a nation. An example is offered by Professor Arnon Sofer talking about Palestinians living in closed-off Gaza, “…those people will become even bigger animals than they are today, with the aid of an insane fundamentalist Islam… So, if we want to remain alive, we will have to kill and kill and kill. All day, every day. If we don’t kill we will cease to exist…..”1
In 2005 Ehud Barak stated on Dutch television2 that – in a secret and illegal retaliatory campaign against the Palestinian hostage takers at the Munich Olympic Winter Games – he personally had murdered thirteen innocent citizens. According to Barak this would teach the world not to fool around with Israel. Barak was and is not prosecuted for premeditated murder and could achieve the position of the country’s prime minister.
Among the settlers in the occupied Palestinian territories are opportunists and extremely violent Israeli’s who aim to occupy East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. The Palestinians must be driven out of these territories by all means possible, including murder. The government of Israel supports the settlers in full while they lay there hands on Palestinian property and act out their violence on Palestinians.
The annexation of East Jerusalem by Ehud Olmert while he was the mayor of West-Jerusalem can according to the Fourth Geneva Convention be interpreted as a war crime. After the last elections in Israel Ehud Olmert’s Kadima party won the vote and he is now the Prime Minister of Israel.
Israeli policies are driven by the Zionist ideal of creating a Jewish state, including the Palestinian territories. Israel is aiming systematically at destroying the identity of the Palestinian people. The so called “conflict in the Middle East” between Palestinians and Israel does not exist. Zionist Israel is the problem.
Rogue state
Israel is the world’s sole remaining occupying colonial power. It systematically sabotages all international efforts to end the occupation. In its capacity of occupying power Israel violates numerous obligations emanating from Security Council Resolutions and the Geneva Conventions. It also breaches the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
The USA applies a doctrine and the US-administration labels selected countries as ‘Rogue states’. These countries possess weapons of mass destruction illegally, suppress large populations, torture, keep people in detention on a large scale and commit murder outside their national borders. Israel has adopted as a strategy the execution of land and water grabs, the destruction of Palestinian infrastructure (including in education and health), the carrying out of extraterritorial executions, torture, and collective punishments and keeping thousands of Palestinians imprisoned indefinitely without charge or prosecution. On the basis of the definition by the USA, Israel has ever since its establishment been a monumental Rogue state and a highly active member of the Axis of Evil.
Letter to Dutch ministers
In February Wijenberg wrote to the ministers Bot, van Ardenne-van der Hoeven and Nicolaï, ministers of Foreign Affairs, Development Co-operation and State Secretary of European Affairs respectively. He reminded them that according to article 90 of the Dutch Constitution “The government nurtures the development of the international order of law”. So many previous Dutch governments violated this article when it concerns the Middle East. With referral to the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice of 9 July 2004 Wijenberg calls upon the Dutch ministers to show the world that they are serious about international law, justice and democracy. A copy of the letter was sent to the prime minister Balkenende and the minister of Justice Donner. In his view the United States and the European Union – including the Netherlands – have for too long condoned Israels disrespect for international law.
In its response the ministry of Foreign Affairs replies that the Dutch government is actively engaged in an ongoing dialogue with Israel. Wijenberg questions this policy. “”Since when do we politely ask notorious violaters of international law to stop their daily terrorisation of the Palestinian civilians, with assassinations in broad daylight and theft of property, houses, land and water? Why aren’t the harshest peaceful means used to fight this?”
Cal for sanctions
In the view of Wijenberg the European Union and the Netherlands have become an instrument of Israels foreign policy by ignoring its own core values values and respect for international law and human rights. Europe can play a key role in achieving lasting peace for Israel and its neighbours. If Israel refuses to show respect for international law, heavy sanctions against Israel should be installed.
Adri Nieuwhof is an independent consultant and human rights advocate from the Netherlands.
Endnotes
[1] The Jerusalem Post, Up Front weekend supplement (21 May 2004)
[2] NOVA (15 December 2005)
Reacties uitgeschakeld voor Article from Gideon Levy in the Haaretz/AN ISRAELI INCURSION INTO GAZA’S RAFAH WILL BE AN UNPRECEDENTED HUMANITARIAN CATASTROPHE
Peace Palace, Carnegieplein 2, 2517 KJ The Hague, Netherlands
Tel.: +31 (0)70 302 2323 Fax: +31 (0)70 364 9928
Press Release
Unofficial
No. 2024/6
26 January 2024
Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime
of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel)
The Court indicates provisional measures
THE HAGUE, 26 January 2024. The International Court of Justice today delivered its Order
on the Request for the indication of provisional measures submitted by South Africa in the case
concerning Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel)
It is recalled that, on 29 December 2023, South Africa filed an Application instituting proceedings against Israel concerning alleged violations by Israel of its obligations under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (the “Genocide Convention”) in relation to Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.
In its Application, South Africa also requested the Court to indicate provisional measures in order to “protect against further, severe and irreparable harm to the rights of the Palestinian people under the Genocide Convention” and “to ensure Israel’s compliance with its obligations under the Genocide Convention not to engage in genocide, and to prevent and to punish genocide” (see press release No. 2023/77).
Public hearings on South Africa’s request for provisional measures were held on Thursday 11 and Friday 12 January 2024.
In its Order, which has binding effect, the Court indicates the following provisional measures:
“(1) By fifteen votes to two,
The State of Israel shall, in accordance with its obligations under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, in relation to Palestinians in Gaza, take all measures within its power to prevent the commission of all acts within the scope of Article II of this Convention, in particular:
(a) killing members of the group;
(b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
(c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; and
PAGE 2
– 2 –
(d) imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
The State of Israel shall ensure with immediate effect that its military does not commit any acts described in point 1 above;
IN FAVOUR:
President Donoghue; Vice-President Gevorgian; Judges Tomka, Abraham, Bennouna, Yusuf, Xue, Bhandari, Robinson, Salam, Iwasawa, Nolte, Charlesworth, Brant; Judge ad hoc Moseneke;
AGAINST:
Judge Sebutinde; Judge ad hoc Barak;
(3) By sixteen votes to one
The State of Israel shall take all measures within its power to prevent and punish the direct and public incitement to commit genocide in relation to members of the Palestinian group in the Gaza Strip;
IN FAVOUR:
President Donoghue; Vice-President Gevorgian; Judges Tomka, Abraham, Bennouna, Yusuf, Xue, Bhandari, Robinson, Salam, Iwasawa, Nolte, Charlesworth, Brant; Judges ad hoc Barak, Moseneke;
AGAINST:
Judge Sebutinde;
(4) By sixteen votes to one,
The State of Israel shall take immediate and effective measures to enable the provision of urgently needed basic services and humanitarian assistance to address the adverse conditions of life faced by Palestinians in the Gaza Strip;
IN FAVOUR:
President Donoghue; Vice-President Gevorgian; Judges Tomka, Abraham, Bennouna, Yusuf, Xue, Bhandari, Robinson, Salam, Iwasawa, Nolte, Charlesworth, Brant; Judges ad hoc Barak, Moseneke;
AGAINST:
Judge Sebutinde;
(5) By fifteen votes to two,
The State of Israel shall take effective measures to prevent the destruction and ensure the preservation of evidence related to allegations of acts within the scope of Article II and Article III of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide against members of the Palestinian group in the Gaza Strip;
IN FAVOUR:
President Donoghue; Vice-President Gevorgian; Judges Tomka, Abraham, Bennouna, Yusuf, Xue, Bhandari, Robinson, Salam, Iwasawa, Nolte, Charlesworth, Brant; Judge ad hoc Moseneke;
AGAINST:
Judge Sebutinde; Judge ad hoc Barak;
PAGE 3
3
(6) By fifteen votes to two,
The State of Israel shall submit a report to the Court on all measures taken to give effect to this Order within one month as from the date of this Order.
IN FAVOUR:
President Donoghue; Vice-President Gevorgian; Judges Tomka, Abraham, Bennouna, Yusuf, Xue, Bhandari, Robinson, Salam, Iwasawa, Nolte, Charlesworth, Brant; Judge ad hoc Moseneke;
AGAINST:
Judge Sebutinde; Judge ad hoc Barak.”
*
Judge XUE appends a declaration to the Order of the Court;
Judge SEBUTINDE appends a dissenting opinion to the Order of the Court; Judges BHANDARI and NOLTE append declarations to the Order of the Court; Judge ad hoc BARAK appends a separate opinion to the Order of the Court
___________
A summary of the Order appears in the document entitled “Summary 2024/1”, to which summaries of the declarations and opinions are annexed.
This summary and the full text of the Order are available on the case page on the Court’s website.
___________
Earlier press releases relating to this case are available on the Court’s website.
Note: The Court’s press releases are prepared by its Registry for information purposes only and do not constitute official documents.
___________
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations.
It was established by the United Nations Charter in June 1945 and began its activities in April 1946
The Court is composed of 15 judges elected for a nine-year term by the General Assembly and the Security Council of the United Nations.
The seat of the Court is at the Peace Palace in The Hague (Netherlands).
The Court has a twofold role: first, to settle, in accordance with international law, legal disputes submitted to it by States;
and, second, to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred to it by duly authorized United Nations organs and agencies of the system
___________
PAGE 4
4
Information Department:
Ms Monique Legerman, First Secretary of the Court, Head of Department: +31 (0)70 302 2336
Ms Joanne Moore, Information Officer: +31 (0)70 302 2337
Reacties uitgeschakeld voor International Court of Justice/Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v Israel)/26 january 2024
We are angry. We are broken. This should have been a time of joy; instead, we are mourning. We are fearful.
More than 20,000 killed. Thousands are still under the rubble. Close to 9,000 children killed in the most brutal ways, day after day. One-point-nine million displaced. Hundreds of thousands of homes destroyed. Gaza as we know it no longer exists. This is an annihilation. This is a genocide.
The world is watching. Churches are watching. The people of Gaza are sending live images of their own execution. Maybe the world cares. But it goes on.
We are asking here: Could this be our fate in Bethlehem? In Ramallah? In Jenin? Is this our destiny, too?
We are tormented by the silence of the world. Leaders of the so-called free lined up one after the other to give the green light for this genocide against a captive population. They gave the cover. Not only did they make sure to pay the bill in advance, they veiled the truth and context, providing the political cover. And yet another layer has been added: the theological cover, with the Western church stepping into the spotlight.
Our dear friends in South Africa taught us the concept of the “state theology,” defined as “the theological justification of the status quo with its racism, capitalism and totalitarianism.” It does so by misusing theological concepts and biblical texts for its own political purposes.
Here in Palestine, the Bible is weaponized against us — our very own sacred text. In our terminology in Palestine, we speak of the empire. Here we confront the theology of the empire, a disguise for superiority, supremacy, chosenness and entitlement. It is sometimes given a nice cover, using words like “mission” and “evangelism,” “fulfillment of prophecy,” and “spreading freedom and liberty.”
The theology of the empire becomes a powerful tool to mask oppression under the cloak of divine sanction. It speaks of land without people. It divides people into “us” and “them.” It dehumanizes and demonizes. The concept of land without people, again, even though they knew too well that the land had people — and not just any people, a very special people. Theology of the empire calls for emptying Gaza, just like it called for the ethnic cleansing in 1948, a “miracle,” or “a divine miracle,” as they called it. It calls for us Palestinians now to go to Egypt, maybe Jordan. Why not just the sea?
I think of the words of the disciples to Jesus when he was about to enter Samaria: “Lord, do you want us to command fire to come down from heaven and consume them?” they said of the Samaritans. This is the theology of the empire. This is what they’re saying about us today.
This war has confirmed to us that the world does not see us as equal. Maybe it’s the color of our skins. Maybe it is because we are on the wrong side of a political equation. Even our kinship in Christ did not shield us. So they say if it takes killing 100 Palestinians to get a single “Hamas militant,” then so be it. We are not humans in their eyes. But in God’s eyes, no one can tell us that.
The hypocrisy and racism of the Western world is transparent and appalling. They always take the word of Palestinians with suspicion and qualification. No, we’re not treated equally. Yet, on the other side, despite a clear track record of misinformation, lies, their words are almost always deemed infallible.
To our European friends: I never ever want to hear you lecture us on human rights or international law again. And I mean this. We are not white, I guess. It does not apply to us, according to your own logic.
In this war, the many Christians in the Western world made sure the empire has the theology needed. It is thus self-defense, we were told. And I continue to ask: How is the killing of 9,000 children self-defense? How is the displacement of 1.9 million Palestinians self-defense?
In the shadow of the empire, they turned the colonizer into the victim, and the colonized into the aggressor. Have we forgotten — have we forgotten that the state they talk to, that that state was built on the ruins of the towns and villages of those very same Gazans? Have they forgot that?
We are outraged by the complicity of the church. Let it be clear, friends: Silence is complicity. And empty calls for peace without a ceasefire and end to occupation, and the shallow words of empathy without direct action, all under the banner of complicity.
So here is my message: Gaza today has become the moral compass of the world. Gaza was hell before October 7th, and the world was silent. Should we be surprised at their silence now?
If you are not appalled by what is happening in Gaza, if you are not shaken to your core, there is something wrong with your humanity. And if we, as Christians, are not outraged by the genocide, by the weaponization of the Bible to justify it, there is something wrong with our Christian witness, and we are compromising the credibility of our gospel message.
If you fail to call this a genocide, it is on you. It is a sin and a darkness you willingly embrace. Some have not even called for a ceasefire. I’m talking about churches. I feel sorry for you.
We will be OK. Despite the immense blow we have endured, we, the Palestinians, will recover. We will rise. We will stand up again from the midst of destruction, as we have always done as Palestinians, although this is by far maybe the biggest blow we have received in a long time. But we will be OK.
But for those who are complicit, I feel sorry for you. Will you ever recover from this? Your charity and your words of shock after the genocide won’t make a difference. And I know these words of shocks are coming. And I know people will give generously for charity. But your words won’t make a difference. Words of regret won’t suffice for you. And let me say it: We will not accept your apology after the genocide. What has been done has been done. I want you to look at the mirror and ask, “Where was I when Gaza was going through a genocide?” …
In these last two months, the psalms of lament have become a precious companion to us. We cried out, “My God, my God, why have you forsaken Gaza? Why do you hide your face from Gaza?”
In our pain, anguish and lament, we have searched for God and found him under the rubble in Gaza. Jesus himself became the victim of the very same violence of the empire when he was in our land. He was tortured, crucified. He bled out as others watched. He was killed and cried out in pain, “My God, where are you?”
In Gaza today, God is under the rubble.
And in this Christmas season, as we search for Jesus, he is not to be found on the side of Rome, but our side of the wall. He’s in a cave, with a simple family, an occupied family. He’s vulnerable, barely and miraculously surviving a massacre himself. He’s among the refugees, among a refugee family. This is where Jesus is to be found today.
If Jesus were to be born today, he would be born under the rubble in Gaza. When we glorify pride and richness, Jesus is under the rubble. When we rely on power, might and weapons, Jesus is under the rubble. When we justify, rationalize and theologize the bombing of children, Jesus is under the rubble.
Jesus is under the rubble. This is his manger. He is at home with the marginalized, the suffering, the oppressed and the displaced. This is his manger.
And I have been looking and contemplating on this iconic image. God with us precisely in this way, this is the incarnation — messy, bloody, poverty. This is the incarnation.
And this child is our hope and inspiration. We look and see him in every child killed and pulled from under the rubble. While the world continues to reject the children of Gaza, Jesus says, “Just as you did to one of the least of these brothers and sisters of mine, you did it to me.” “You did it to me.” Jesus not only calls them his own, he is them. He is the children of Gaza.
We look at the holy family and see them in every family displaced and wandering, now homeless in despair. While the world discusses the fate of the people of Gaza as if they are unwanted boxes in a garage, God in the Christmas narrative shares their fate. He walks with them and calls them his own.
So this manger is about resilience. It’s about sumud. And the resilience of Jesus is in his meekness, is in his weakness, is in his vulnerability. The majesty of the incarnation lies in its solidarity with the marginalized. Resilience because this is very same child who rose up from the midst of pain, destruction, darkness and death to challenge empires, to speak truth to power and deliver an everlasting victory over death and darkness. This very same child accomplished this.
This is Christmas today in Palestine, and this is the Christmas message. Christmas is not about Santas. It’s not about trees and gifts and lights. My goodness, how we have twisted the meaning of Christmas. How we have commercialized Christmas. I was, by the way, in the U.S.A. last month, the first Monday after Thanksgiving, and I was amazed by the amount of Christmas decorations and lights and all the commercial goods. And I couldn’t help but think: They send us bombs, while celebrating Christmas in their lands. They sing about the prince of peace in their land, while playing the drum of war in our land.
Christmas in Bethlehem, the birthplace of Jesus, is this manger. This is our message to the world today. It is a gospel message. It is a true and authentic Christmas message about the God who did not stay silent but said his word, and his word was Jesus. Born among the occupied and marginalized, he is in solidarity with us in our pain and brokenness.
This message is our message to the world today, and it is simply this: This genocide must stop now. Why don’t we repeat it? Stop this genocide now. Can you say it with me? Stop this genocide —
CONGREGATION: Stop this genocide now.
REV. MUNTHER ISAAC: Let’s say it one more time. Stop this genocide —
CONGREGATION: Stop this genocide now.
REV. MUNTHER ISAAC: This is our call. This is our plea. This is our prayer. Hear, O God. Amen.
In the occupied West Bank city of Bethlehem, the birthplace of Jesus, city and church leaders canceled all Christmas festivities this year to mourn the more than 20,000 Palestinians killed in Gaza. We feature the Christmas sermon, “Christ in the Rubble: A Liturgy of Lament,” delivered Saturday by Reverend Munther Isaac at the landmark Evangelical Lutheran Church in Bethlehem, which has received international attention for a nativity scene depicting the figure of baby Jesus in a keffiyeh, surrounded by rubble. “If Jesus were to be born today, he would be born under the rubble in Gaza,” preached Isaac, who condemned using theology to justify Israel’s killing of innocent civilians. “If we, as Christians, are not outraged by the genocide, by the weaponization of the Bible to justify it, there is something wrong with our Christian witness, and we are compromising the credibility of our gospel message.”
Transcript
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: We begin today’s show in the occupied West Bank in the city of Bethlehem, the birthplace of Jesus. City and church leaders canceled all Christmas festivities in the Holy Land this year to mourn the more than 20,000 Palestinians killed in Gaza. The landmark Evangelical Lutheran Christmas Church in Bethlehem created a nativity scene with the figure of baby Jesus in a keffiyeh, surrounded by rubble.
Later in the show, we’ll be joined by the church’s pastor, the Reverend Munther Isaac, but we begin by airing his Christmas sermon, which he delivered on Saturday.
REV. MUNTHER ISAAC: Christ Under the Rubble.
We are angry. We are broken. This should have been a time of joy; instead, we are mourning. We are fearful.
More than 20,000 killed. Thousands are still under the rubble. Close to 9,000 children killed in the most brutal ways, day after day. One-point-nine million displaced. Hundreds of thousands of homes destroyed. Gaza as we know it no longer exists. This is an annihilation. This is a genocide.
The world is watching. Churches are watching. The people of Gaza are sending live images of their own execution. Maybe the world cares. But it goes on.
We are asking here: Could this be our fate in Bethlehem? In Ramallah? In Jenin? Is this our destiny, too?
We are tormented by the silence of the world. Leaders of the so-called free lined up one after the other to give the green light for this genocide against a captive population. They gave the cover. Not only did they make sure to pay the bill in advance, they veiled the truth and context, providing the political cover. And yet another layer has been added: the theological cover, with the Western church stepping into the spotlight.
Our dear friends in South Africa taught us the concept of the “state theology,” defined as “the theological justification of the status quo with its racism, capitalism and totalitarianism.” It does so by misusing theological concepts and biblical texts for its own political purposes.
Here in Palestine, the Bible is weaponized against us — our very own sacred text. In our terminology in Palestine, we speak of the empire. Here we confront the theology of the empire, a disguise for superiority, supremacy, chosenness and entitlement. It is sometimes given a nice cover, using words like “mission” and “evangelism,” “fulfillment of prophecy,” and “spreading freedom and liberty.”
The theology of the empire becomes a powerful tool to mask oppression under the cloak of divine sanction. It speaks of land without people. It divides people into “us” and “them.” It dehumanizes and demonizes. The concept of land without people, again, even though they knew too well that the land had people — and not just any people, a very special people. Theology of the empire calls for emptying Gaza, just like it called for the ethnic cleansing in 1948, a “miracle,” or “a divine miracle,” as they called it. It calls for us Palestinians now to go to Egypt, maybe Jordan. Why not just the sea?
I think of the words of the disciples to Jesus when he was about to enter Samaria: “Lord, do you want us to command fire to come down from heaven and consume them?” they said of the Samaritans. This is the theology of the empire. This is what they’re saying about us today.
This war has confirmed to us that the world does not see us as equal. Maybe it’s the color of our skins. Maybe it is because we are on the wrong side of a political equation. Even our kinship in Christ did not shield us. So they say if it takes killing 100 Palestinians to get a single “Hamas militant,” then so be it. We are not humans in their eyes. But in God’s eyes, no one can tell us that.
The hypocrisy and racism of the Western world is transparent and appalling. They always take the word of Palestinians with suspicion and qualification. No, we’re not treated equally. Yet, on the other side, despite a clear track record of misinformation, lies, their words are almost always deemed infallible.
To our European friends: I never ever want to hear you lecture us on human rights or international law again. And I mean this. We are not white, I guess. It does not apply to us, according to your own logic.
In this war, the many Christians in the Western world made sure the empire has the theology needed. It is thus self-defense, we were told. And I continue to ask: How is the killing of 9,000 children self-defense? How is the displacement of 1.9 million Palestinians self-defense?
In the shadow of the empire, they turned the colonizer into the victim, and the colonized into the aggressor. Have we forgotten — have we forgotten that the state they talk to, that that state was built on the ruins of the towns and villages of those very same Gazans? Have they forgot that?
We are outraged by the complicity of the church. Let it be clear, friends: Silence is complicity. And empty calls for peace without a ceasefire and end to occupation, and the shallow words of empathy without direct action, all under the banner of complicity.
So here is my message: Gaza today has become the moral compass of the world. Gaza was hell before October 7th, and the world was silent. Should we be surprised at their silence now?
If you are not appalled by what is happening in Gaza, if you are not shaken to your core, there is something wrong with your humanity. And if we, as Christians, are not outraged by the genocide, by the weaponization of the Bible to justify it, there is something wrong with our Christian witness, and we are compromising the credibility of our gospel message.
If you fail to call this a genocide, it is on you. It is a sin and a darkness you willingly embrace. Some have not even called for a ceasefire. I’m talking about churches. I feel sorry for you.
We will be OK. Despite the immense blow we have endured, we, the Palestinians, will recover. We will rise. We will stand up again from the midst of destruction, as we have always done as Palestinians, although this is by far maybe the biggest blow we have received in a long time. But we will be OK.
But for those who are complicit, I feel sorry for you. Will you ever recover from this? Your charity and your words of shock after the genocide won’t make a difference. And I know these words of shocks are coming. And I know people will give generously for charity. But your words won’t make a difference. Words of regret won’t suffice for you. And let me say it: We will not accept your apology after the genocide. What has been done has been done. I want you to look at the mirror and ask, “Where was I when Gaza was going through a genocide?” …
In these last two months, the psalms of lament have become a precious companion to us. We cried out, “My God, my God, why have you forsaken Gaza? Why do you hide your face from Gaza?”
In our pain, anguish and lament, we have searched for God and found him under the rubble in Gaza. Jesus himself became the victim of the very same violence of the empire when he was in our land. He was tortured, crucified. He bled out as others watched. He was killed and cried out in pain, “My God, where are you?”
In Gaza today, God is under the rubble.
And in this Christmas season, as we search for Jesus, he is not to be found on the side of Rome, but our side of the wall. He’s in a cave, with a simple family, an occupied family. He’s vulnerable, barely and miraculously surviving a massacre himself. He’s among the refugees, among a refugee family. This is where Jesus is to be found today.
If Jesus were to be born today, he would be born under the rubble in Gaza. When we glorify pride and richness, Jesus is under the rubble. When we rely on power, might and weapons, Jesus is under the rubble. When we justify, rationalize and theologize the bombing of children, Jesus is under the rubble.
Jesus is under the rubble. This is his manger. He is at home with the marginalized, the suffering, the oppressed and the displaced. This is his manger.
And I have been looking and contemplating on this iconic image. God with us precisely in this way, this is the incarnation — messy, bloody, poverty. This is the incarnation.
And this child is our hope and inspiration. We look and see him in every child killed and pulled from under the rubble. While the world continues to reject the children of Gaza, Jesus says, “Just as you did to one of the least of these brothers and sisters of mine, you did it to me.” “You did it to me.” Jesus not only calls them his own, he is them. He is the children of Gaza.
We look at the holy family and see them in every family displaced and wandering, now homeless in despair. While the world discusses the fate of the people of Gaza as if they are unwanted boxes in a garage, God in the Christmas narrative shares their fate. He walks with them and calls them his own.
So this manger is about resilience. It’s about sumud. And the resilience of Jesus is in his meekness, is in his weakness, is in his vulnerability. The majesty of the incarnation lies in its solidarity with the marginalized. Resilience because this is very same child who rose up from the midst of pain, destruction, darkness and death to challenge empires, to speak truth to power and deliver an everlasting victory over death and darkness. This very same child accomplished this.
This is Christmas today in Palestine, and this is the Christmas message. Christmas is not about Santas. It’s not about trees and gifts and lights. My goodness, how we have twisted the meaning of Christmas. How we have commercialized Christmas. I was, by the way, in the U.S.A. last month, the first Monday after Thanksgiving, and I was amazed by the amount of Christmas decorations and lights and all the commercial goods. And I couldn’t help but think: They send us bombs, while celebrating Christmas in their lands. They sing about the prince of peace in their land, while playing the drum of war in our land.
Christmas in Bethlehem, the birthplace of Jesus, is this manger. This is our message to the world today. It is a gospel message. It is a true and authentic Christmas message about the God who did not stay silent but said his word, and his word was Jesus. Born among the occupied and marginalized, he is in solidarity with us in our pain and brokenness.
This message is our message to the world today, and it is simply this: This genocide must stop now. Why don’t we repeat it? Stop this genocide now. Can you say it with me? Stop this genocide —
CONGREGATION: Stop this genocide now.
REV. MUNTHER ISAAC: Let’s say it one more time. Stop this genocide —
CONGREGATION: Stop this genocide now.
REV. MUNTHER ISAAC: This is our call. This is our plea. This is our prayer. Hear, O God. Amen.
AMY GOODMAN: The Reverend Munther Isaac, the pastor of the Evangelical Lutheran Christmas Church in Bethlehem, delivering his Christmas sermon on Saturday. He titled it “Christ in the Rubble.” Coming up, Reverend Isaac will join us from Bethlehem in occupied West Bank. Stay with us.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: “Song to the World,” a version of the popular Christmas song “Little Drummer Boy” sung by the Ramallah Friends School in the West Bank. The three Palestinian college students who were shot in Burlington, Vermont, last month are graduates of the Ramallah Friends School and met there in the first grade. The three students who were shot now go to Haverford, Trinity and Brown in the United States. In the video shared by the school, current students sing in Arabic with English subtitles. The school wrote, “Our hearts come together in prayer for the safety of the children in Gaza. May our shared prayers echo for peace and justice, weaving a tapestry of hope that goes beyond borders, embracing the shared humanity we all hold dear.”
Reacties uitgeschakeld voor Christmas Sermon from Bethlehem by reverend Munther Isaac/Christ under the rubble
MENSEN DRINKEN BRAK WATER!!!!!” en wat daaronder staat.
Geachte Directie
Geacht Management,
Zoals u zich wellicht kunt herinneren, heb ik u in de loop
der Tijden een aantal keren bestookt met mailbrieven met de
eis, geen producten uit Israel meer te verkopen!
Mijn laatste mail aan u dateert van 23 april 2023!
Zie noot 1
Meestal ging dat om [tenminste, dat heb ik bij een bezoek
aan uw filiaal in Amsterdam Zuid-Oost geconstateerd] om mango’s
en/of avocado’s, die in de aanbieding waren [2]
Nu dacht ik eerlijk gezegd, dat u uw Leven gebeterd had, omdat ik
na mijn Brandmail van 23 april jongstleden [3], althans in uw
filiaal Amsterdam Zuid-Oost, geen avocado’s uit Israel meer
gezien had.
”YES!”, dacht ik
Eindelijk is de boodschap bij VOMAR aangekomen [hopelijk ben
ik namelijk niet de enige, die u hierover heeft aangeschreven] en
beseft de VOMAR, dat zij met de verkoop van producten uit Bezettings
en Apartheidsstaat Israel [4] moreel medeverantwoordelijk is
voor diens wandaden en bloed aan haar handen heeft.
Wie schetst mijn Woede en Verbazing toen ik gisteren [dd woensdag
1 november 2023] bij een bezoek aan weer uw filiaal Amsterdam
Zuid-Oost constateerde, dat u het heeft bestaan om in uw aanbiedingen
folder van 29 october tot 4 november [5] avocado’s in de aanbieding had
[en op dit moment van schrijven dus nog heeft] : twee pakken voor 4 euro en WEER afkomstig uit Israel!!
Ik had al een pakje gepakt [avocado’s zijn voor mij een delicatesse] en
toen ik zag, dat zij uit Israel kwamen, vol walging weer teruggezet.
Ik zeg het u eerlijk:
Als het geen voedsel was geweest maar een ander product, had ik het
op de grond gesmeten!!
Want dat u geen gehoor gegeven hebt aan mijn eis/oproep [en waarschijnlijk ook van anderen] om uw verkoop van Israelische
producten te staken [6] is Een Ding.
Dat u het Lef hebt om juist op dit dramatische Moment
van de Geschiedenis door te gaan, met droge ogen, Israelische
producten te verkopen, is ronduit schokkend
WAAROM JUIST NU?
Moet ik het u nog uitleggen?
Dat ga ik wel doen, al is het meer dan weerzinwekkend, dat het nog nodig is, sinds het feit, dat Israel een bezettings en apartheidsstaat is, die zich in
de loop der jaren heeft schuldig gemaakt aan onderdrukking, foltering,
administratieve detentie en apartheid [7] al genoeg zou moeten zijn.
Blijkbaar niet voor u!
MISDADIGE ISRAELISCHE INVALLEN IN GAZA
Sinds de verwerpelijke en bloedige 7 october aanval van
Palestijnse verzetsbeweging Hamas [8] heeft Bezettingsstaat Israel als reactie Gaza gebombardeerd [wat trouwens nog steeds doorgaat], waarbij
waarbij
niet alleen Witte fosfor is gebruikt [kijk maar goed wat
Human Rights Watch daarover meldt, noot 9] maar ook geen enkel onderscheid is gemaakt tussen combatanten [militairen
en strijders] en non combatanten [burgers] [10], wat tot duizenden burgerslachtoffers
geleid heeft
Meer dan 7000, volgens de Israelische mensenrechtenorganisatie
Btselem! [11]
En dat was een Btselem bericht van 27 october! [12]
Ondertussen zijn er veel meer doden bijgekomen, vooral ook
in vluchtelingenkamp Jabalia! [13]
Helaas zijn wij met deze Praktijken bij Israelische militaire
invallen in Gaza bekend [14]
Willekeurige militaire aanvallen, een groot aantal burgerdoden [15]
UITHONGERING BURGERBEVOLKING
MENSEN DRINKEN BRAK WATER!!!!!
Maar wat dit alles hier nog monsterachtiger maakt is, dat het hier niet
bij blijft!
Want wat Israel ook heeft gedaan als reactie op de7 october Hamas aanval is een totale Blokkade van Gaza instellen, wat betekent, dat de
burgerbevolking geen gas, water, brandstof en medicijnen ontvangt! [16]
Moet ik uitleggen, dat dit monsterachtig is.
Moet ik uitleggen, dat dit kwaadaardig is?
Moet ik uitleggen, dat dit als ”collectieve straf” internationaalrechtelijk
verboden is? [17]
Dat uithongering van een burgerbevolking een oorlogsmisdaad is?
[18]
Weet u, dat Gazanen wegens gebrek aan water BRAK WATER drinken
[19], wat natuurijk levensgevaarlijk is?
EPILOOG
Meer hoef ik er niet aan toe te voegen.
U verkoopt nog steeds, ondanks talloze opropoen,
dat niet te doen [20] producten uit een Staat, die sinds 1967 de
Palestijnse gebieden bezet, onderdrukt, zich schuldig maakt
aan foltering, administratieve detentie, landdiefstal via illegale
nederzettingen, apartheid.
En nu wordt de burgerbevolking in Gaza uitgehongerd, van toegang tot water, electriciteit, medicijnen en voedsel afgesneden, mensen
drinken brak water [21] en u hebt het Lef, nog steeds Israelische
producten te verkopen.
Walgelijk vind ik het en ik maak het overal bekend, daarop
kunt u rekenen, digitaal en anderszins.
Stop er dus direct mee, als u niet medeplichtig wilt
zijn aan het faciliteren van Bezettings en Uithongeringsstaat Israel.
Reacties uitgeschakeld voor Astrid Essed stelt VOMAR opnieuw aan de kaak over de gecontinueerde verkoop van avocado’s uit Israel/VOMAR, hoe lang blijft u Bezettings en Uithongeringsstaat Israel nog steunen?
The 7 october 2023 surprise attack of Hamas on the South of Israel
with thousands of rockets codenamed ”Al-Aqsa Flood”, suprised me,
like doubtless many others, but I was not completely taken aback.
It was a bloody attack in which a great number of Israeli civilians
were killed [according to Israeli autorities at least 1200] or abducted and
at least 260 people were killed by the Hamas attack on a
Festival near kibbutz Re”im.
Of course this deserves strong condemnation, since targetting
civilians is not only inhumane, but prohibited by International
Humanitarian Law, declaring clear distinction between combatants
[soldiers and fighters, who are legitimate targets] and non-combatants [civilians,
who must be protected]
So I understand the common [especially Western] sympathy with the Israeli
victims, because I share the feeling.
But there my understanding stops.
Because the almost hysterical ”we stand with Israel” reactions, especially from
the Western World [USA,EU], completely with Israeli flags hanging from their
official buildings [luckily not in Scotland!] is not only hypocrite.
It is disgusting!
Disgusting, because it implies support to Israel as a State and that is, to say
it mildly, controversial.
Because the bloody 7 october Hamas attack and subsequent abduction-operation divert the attention of the important fact, that since 1967 Israel
is the occupying power in the West Bank, Eastern Jerusalem and Gaza [still
occupied according to International Law since Israel controls the Gaza borders, airspace and territorial waters]
Not only Israel refuses to withdraw from the occupied Palestinian territories
despite UN Security Resolution 242 [1967], there is a decennialong brutal
oppression, Israel is guilty of torture of prisoners, administrative detention,
bloody military attacks in Gaza and the West Bank, with as macabre result thousands and thousands civilian victims, the building [since end of the sixties]
of illegal settlements on occupied Palestinian territory [land theft!], extrajudicial
execution, apartheid, etc, etc
En despite this brutal occupation the EU never took any sanction against
the State of Israel, which made them complicit in the Israeli occupation
and oppression.
According to International Law every people has the right to rise up against
an occupation, which includes armed resistance.
So Hamas, as any other Palestinian organisation, is in his right
in this regard, but of course according International Humanitarian Law
Hamas must refrain from attacks on civilians.
By the way, I wonder whether the EU will also condemn Israel, which right
now launches a bloody attack in Gaza by bombing
Gaza for already two weeks, with more than 4000 deaths, as denying the Gazan population water, medicines,
fuel and food supplies, in the same strong terms as it condemned Hamas.
Astrid Essed
Amsterdam
The Netherlands
Reacties uitgeschakeld voor Mail/Letter to the Editor to The Standard [newspaper from Gambia]/Hamas attack on Israel/The Right to rise up against the Israeli occupation
The 7 october 2023 surprise attack of Hamas on the South of Israel
with thousands of rockets codenamed ”Al-Aqsa Flood”, suprised me,
like doubtless many others, but I was not completely taken aback.
It was a bloody attack in which a great number of Israeli civilians
were killed [according to Israeli autorities at least 1200] or abducted and
at least 260 people were killed by the Hamas attack on a
Festival near kibbutz Re”im.
Of course this deserves strong condemnation, since targetting
civilians is not only inhumane, but prohibited by International
Humanitarian Law, declaring clear distinction between combatants
[soldiers and fighters, who are legitimate targets] and non-combatants [civilians,
who must be protected]
So I understand the common [especially Western] sympathy with the Israeli
victims, because I share the feeling.
But there my understanding stops.
Because the almost hysterical ”we stand with Israel” reactions, especially from
the Western World [USA,EU], completely with Israeli flags hanging from their
official buildings [luckily not in Scotland!] is not only hypocrite.
It is disgusting!
Disgusting, because it implies support to Israel as a State and that is, to say
it mildly, controversial.
Because the bloody 7 october Hamas attack and subsequent abduction-operation divert the attention of the important fact, that since 1967 Israel
is the occupying power in the West Bank, Eastern Jerusalem and Gaza [still
occupied according to International Law since Israel controls the Gaza borders, airspace and territorial waters]
Not only Israel refuses to withdraw from the occupied Palestinian territories
despite UN Security Resolution 242 [1967], there is a decennialong brutal
oppression, Israel is guilty of torture of prisoners, administrative detention,
bloody military attacks in Gaza and the West Bank, with as macabre result thousands and thousands civilian victims, the building [since end of the sixties]
of illegal settlements on occupied Palestinian territory [land theft!], extrajudicial
execution, apartheid, etc, etc
En despite this brutal occupation the EU never took any sanction against
the State of Israel, which made them complicit in the Israeli occupation
and oppression.
According to International Law every people has the right to rise up against
an occupation, which includes armed resistance.
So Hamas, as any other Palestinian organisation, is in his right
in this regard, but of course according International Humanitarian Law
Hamas must refrain from attacks on civilians.
By the way, I wonder whether the EU will also condemn Israel, which right
now launches a bloody attack in Gaza by bombing
Gaza for already two weeks, with more than 4000 deaths, as denying the Gazan population water, medicines,
fuel and food supplies, in the same strong terms as it condemned Hamas.
Astrid Essed
Amsterdam
The Netherlands
Reacties uitgeschakeld voor Mail/Letter to the Editor to The Express Tribune [newspaper from Pakistan]/Hamas attack on Israel/The Right to rise up against the Israeli occupation
Reuters
Reuters
