Noten 21 en 22/Astrid Essed weer ten strijde tegen NOS Teletekst

[21]

”Volgens Dekkers zou Israël helpen met de evacuatie van de baby’s, maar is dat niet gebeurd. Het Israëlische leger (IDF) zegt gisteren brandstof te hebben achtergelaten bij het ziekenhuis, maar ook dat die door Hamas is ingenomen. Volgens Dekkers was die brandstof sowieso onvoldoende.”

BNR NIEUWS

ISRAEL HELPT BABY’S IN NOOD TOCH NIET,

ZIEKENHUIZEN GAZA-STAD WERKEN NIET MEER

https://www.bnr.nl/nieuws/internationaal/10531079/ziekenhuizen-gaza-stad-functioneren-niet-meer-situatie-libanon-escaleert

De twee grootste ziekenhuizen van Gaza-stad functioneren niet meer, zegt correspondent Ralph Dekkers. Het Al-Shifa zit al drie dagen zonder water en ook de brandstof is op. Toch zitten er nog tussen de vijf- á zeshonderd patiënten, zegt Dekkers, waaronder baby’s waarvan de couveuses niet meer werken.

Volgens Dekkers zou Israël helpen met de evacuatie van de baby’s, maar is dat niet gebeurd. Het Israëlische leger (IDF) zegt gisteren brandstof te hebben achtergelaten bij het ziekenhuis, maar ook dat die door Hamas is ingenomen. Volgens Dekkers was die brandstof sowieso onvoldoende.

Er wordt flink gevochten rond de ziekenhuizen in Gaza-stad‘, aldus Dekkers die erop wijst dat de VS weliswaar heeft gewaarschuwd dat die gevechten zich niet naar het ziekenhuiscomplex mogen verplaatsen, maar dat het er wel ‘naar uitziet dat het die kant opgaat’. Volgens Dekkers doet het verhaal al jaren de ronde dat zich onder het ziekenhuis een Hamas-commandopost bevindt, maar dat zodra de IDF het ziekenhuis inneemt, die post zich ongetwijfeld via de verbonden tunnels zal verplaatsen.

Escalatie Libanon

De strijd tussen Israël en de Hezbollah-milities in Libanon is het stadium van de schermutselingen inmiddels ruim voorbij en escaleert intussen verder. Beide partijen vuren volgens Dekkers raketten op elkaar af met een diepte van veertig kilometer. Israël heeft gewaarschuwd met een krachtig antwoord te zullen komen. ‘Dat kan heftiger worden’, zegt Dekkers.

Ook in Syrië nemen de gevechten in intensiteit toe: de VS heeft vannacht opnieuw Iraanse posities in het land onder vuur genomen nadat Amerikaanse bases in de regio het doelwit waren.

De Israëlische president Netanyahu heeft ten slotte een opmerkelijke speech gehouden waarin hij zegt dat de Palestijnse Autoriteit onder leiding van Mahmoud Abbas geen rol zal spelen in de toekomst van Gaza. Daarmee gaat hij lijnrecht in tegen bondgenoot Verenigde Staten die juist wel inzetten op een bestuurlijke hoofdrol voor de Palestijnse Autoriteit.

EINDE BERICHT

[22]

  • The Israeli military’s repeated, apparently unlawful attacks on medical facilities, personnel, and transport are further destroying Gaza’s healthcare system and should be investigated as war crimes.”

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHGAZA: UNLAWFUL ISRAELI HOSPITAL STRIKESWORSEN HEALTH CRISIS

Israel’s Blockade, Bombardment Decimate Healthcare System; Investigate as War Crimes

14 NOVEMBER 2023

https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/11/14/gaza-unlawful-israeli-hospital-strikes-worsen-health-crisis
  • The Israeli military’s repeated, apparently unlawful attacks on medical facilities, personnel, and transport are further destroying Gaza’s healthcare system and should be investigated as war crimes.
  • Concerns about disproportionate attacks are magnified for hospitals. Even the threat of an attack or minor damage can have massive life-or-death implications for patients and caregivers.
  • The Israeli government should end attacks on hospitals. The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory and the ICC should investigate.

(Jerusalem) – The Israeli military’s repeated, apparently unlawful attacks on medical facilities, personnel, and transport are further destroying the Gaza Strip’s healthcare system and should be investigated as war crimes, Human Rights Watch said today. Despite the Israeli military’s claims on November 5, 2023, of “Hamas’s cynical use of hospitals,” no evidence put forward would justify depriving hospitals and ambulances of their protected status under international humanitarian law.

The World Health Organization (WHO) has reported that at least 521 people, including 16 medical workers, have been killed in 137 “attacks on health care” in Gaza as of November 12. These attacks, alongside Israel’s decisions to cut off electricity and water and block humanitarian aid to Gaza, have severely impeded health care access. The United Nations found as of November 10 that two-thirds of primary care facilities and half of all hospitals in Gaza are not functioning at a time when medical personnel are dealing with unprecedented numbers of severely injured patients. Hospitals have run out of medicine and basic equipment, and doctors told Human Rights Watch that they were forced to operate without anesthesia and to use vinegar as an antiseptic.

“Israel’s repeated attacks damaging hospitals and harming healthcare workers, already hard hit by an unlawful blockade, have devastated Gaza’s healthcare infrastructure,” said A. Kayum Ahmed, special adviser on the right to health at Human Rights Watch. “The strikes on hospitals have killed hundreds of people and put many patients at grave risk because they’re unable to receive proper medical care.”

Human Rights Watch investigated attacks on or near the Indonesian Hospital, al-Ahli Hospital, the International Eye Care Center, the Turkish-Palestinian Friendship Hospital, and the al-Quds Hospital between October 7 and November 7. Human Rights Watch spoke by phone with two displaced people sheltering in hospitals and 16 healthcare workers and hospital officials in Gaza and analyzed and verified open-source data, including videos posted to social media and satellite imagery, as well as WHO databases.

Israeli forces struck the Indonesian Hospital multiple times between October 7 and October 28, killing at least two civilians. The International Eye Care Center was struck repeatedly and completely destroyed after a strike on October 10 or 11. Strikes hit the compound and vicinity of the Turkish-Palestinian Friendship Hospital on October 30 and 31. Damage to the hospital as well as a lack of fuel for hospital generators resulted in its closure on November 1. Repeated Israeli strikes damaged the al-Quds Hospital and injured a man and child out front. Israeli forces on several occasions struck well-marked ambulances, killing and wounding at least a dozen people in one incident on November 3, including children, outside al-Shifa hospital.

These ongoing attacks are not isolated. Israeli forces have also carried out scores of strikes damaging several other hospitals across Gaza. WHO reported that as of November 10, 18 out of 36 hospitals and 46 out of 72 primary care clinics were forced to shut down. The forced closure of these facilities stems from damage caused by attacks as well as the lack of electricity and fuel.

Health workers at Gaza’s hospitals told Human Rights Watch they are dealing with unprecedented numbers of injured patients. Additionally, thousands of internally displaced people sheltering at hospitals have been put at risk, facing shortages of food and medicine. Gaza’s hospitals have been forced to address these issues with shortages of medical staff, some of whom have been killed or injured outside their work.

A doctor at Nasser Medical Center said: “At 3 a.m. I dealt with a 60-year-old woman with a cut wound in her head. I can’t make a suture to heal her wound—no gloves, no equipment—so we have to use unsterile techniques.”

Hospitals and other medical facilities are civilian objects that have special protections under international humanitarian law, or the laws of war. Hospitals only lose their protection from attack if they are being used to commit “acts harmful to the enemy,” and after a required warning. Even if military forces unlawfully use a hospital to store weapons or encamp able-bodied combatants, the attacking force must issue a warning to cease this misuse, set a reasonable time limit for it to end, and lawfully attack only after such a warning has gone unheeded. Ordering patients, medical staff, and others to evacuate a hospital should only be used as a last resort. Medical personnel need to be protected and permitted to do their work.

All warring parties must take constant care to minimize harm to civilians. Attacks on hospitals being used to commit “acts harmful to the enemy” are still unlawful if indiscriminate or disproportionate. The use of explosive weapons in densely populated areas heightens the risk of indiscriminate attacks. Attacks in which the anticipated loss of civilian life and property are excessive compared with the concrete and direct military gain are disproportionate. Concerns about disproportionate attacks are magnified with respect to hospitals, since even the threat of an attack or minor damage can have massive life-or-death implications for patients and their caregivers.

The Israeli military on October 27 claimed that “Hamas uses hospitals as terror infrastructures,” publishing footage alleging that Hamas was operating from Gaza’s largest hospital, al-Shifa. Israel also alleged that Hamas was using the Indonesian Hospital to hide an underground command and control center and that they had deployed a rocket launchpad 75 meters from the hospital.

These claims are contested. Human Rights Watch has not been able to corroborate them, nor seen any information that would justify attacks on Gaza hospitals. When a journalist at a news conference showing video footage of damage to the Qatar Hospital sought additional information to verify voice recordings and images presented, the Israeli spokesperson said, “our strikes are based on intelligence.” Even if accurate, Israel has not demonstrated that the ensuing hospital attacks were proportionate.

Israel’s general evacuation order on October 13 to 22 hospitals in northern Gaza was not an effective warning because it did not take into account the specific requirements for hospitals, including providing for the safety of patients and medical personnel. The sweeping nature of the order and the impossibility of safe compliance, given that there is no reliably secure way to flee or safe place to go in Gaza, also raised concerns that the purpose was not to protect civilians, but to terrify them into leaving. The WHO director general has said that “it’s impossible to evacuate hospitals full of patients without endangering their lives.”

The Israeli government should immediately end unlawful attacks on hospitals, ambulances, and other civilian objects, as well as its total blockade of the Gaza Strip, which amounts to the war crime of collective punishment, Human Rights Watch said. Hamas and other Palestinian armed groups need to take all feasible precautions to protect civilians under their control from the effects of attacks and not use civilians as “human shields.”

The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel should investigate apparently unlawful Israeli attacks on healthcare infrastructure in Gaza.

The International Criminal Court prosecutor has jurisdiction over the current hostilities between Israel and Palestinian armed groups that covers unlawful conduct by all parties. The ICC’s Rome Statute prohibits as a war crime “[i]ntentionally directing attacks against … medical units and transport.” Israeli and Palestinian officials should cooperate with the commission and the ICC in their work, Human Rights Watch said.

The United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, and other countries should suspend military assistance and arms sales to Israel as long as its forces continue to commit widespread, serious abuses amounting to war crimes against Palestinian civilians with impunity. All governments should demand that Israel restore the flow of electricity and water to Gaza and allow in fuel and humanitarian aid, ensuring that water, food, and medication reach Gaza’s civilian population.

“Israel’s broad-based attack on Gaza’s healthcare system is an attack on the sick and the injured, on babies in incubators, on pregnant people, on cancer patients,” Ahmed said. “These actions need to be investigated as war crimes.”

Blockade’s Effect on Hospitals

Israel’s blockade has severely constrained hospitals, which have run out of essential medicines and basic equipment. While Israeli authorities have allowed minimal humanitarian aid into Gaza, they have continued to block the entry of fuel, which hospitals need for their generators. WHO reported that “hospitals are on the brink of collapse due to the shortage of electricity, medicine, equipment and specialized personnel.”

On October 22, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) expressed grave concern about the impact of the blockade. They noted that 120 newborn children were in incubators, 70 of whom required mechanical ventilation. The incubators and ventilators cannot operate without a stable electricity supply. “The death toll will increase exponentially if incubators start to fail, if hospitals go dark, if children continue to drink unsafe water and have no access to medicine when they get sick,” UNICEF said. Between November 11 and 13, three premature babies and 29 other patients reportedly died at al-Shifa hospital amid the power outage and lack of medical supplies, according to UN Office of the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

Emerging reports show that unsanitary conditions at hospitals are further affecting access to health care. Tanya Haj Hassan, a doctor who runs a support network for Gaza healthcare workers, told The Guardian that “hundreds of people are sharing one toilet and living in the hospital corridors, and that obviously has significant concerns for hygiene, sanitation and the functioning of the hospitals.” Doctors are also reporting that more and more patients are showing signs of disease associated with overcrowding and a lack of sanitation.

A doctor at al-Aqsa Hospital told Human Rights Watch on October 23: “There is a huge shortage of medicines, no electricity, no diesel, no solar, no water to drink or to use. And the electricity company shut electricity to all civilians. … There is a chronic triage and restrictions on medication; we have had to make referrals to Egypt, but there is no way to get there.”

Israeli Evacuation Orders

Israeli authorities have ordered the evacuation of all 22 hospitals in Gaza city and northern Gaza. “These [evacuation orders] are impossible to carry out, risking the lives of inpatients and internally displaced persons (IDPs), and particularly the most vulnerable requiring life support,” WHO said, adding that there is “insufficient ambulance capacity for transfer and insufficient bed capacity to care for these patients in the south.” WHO described the order as “a death sentence for the sick and injured.”

OCHA expressed concern that “thousands of patients and medical staff, as well as about 117,000 IDPs, are staying in these facilities.” Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders or MSF) general director Meinie Nicolai said: “Israel’s 24-hour notice that people in Northern Gaza must leave their land, homes and hospitals is outrageous—this represents an attack on medical care and on humanity.”

As of November 13, all but one of the hospitals in Gaza city and northern Gaza are reportedly out of service, according to OCHA.

Human Rights Watch interviewed two people with disabilities sheltering in hospitals who said they could not evacuate. “If they bomb the hospital, I will be dead. I know I cannot move,” said Samih al-Masri, a 50-year-old man who said he lost both legs in an Israeli drone strike in 2008 and was sheltering at al-Quds hospital.’

Indonesian Hospital
The Israeli military repeatedly struck the compound and vicinity of the Indonesian Hospital in Beit Lahiya, one of two major hospitals in northern Gaza.

On October 7, an airstrike hit an area behind the Indonesian Hospital, which OCHA reported killed two men, including a staff member, and injured five others. Hosni Salha, a security guard, was killed while sitting in one of the hospital’s vehicles along with the driver and a paramedic, a doctor from the hospital said. After the attack, the doctor took a photo at the scene that shows a destroyed vehicle. The second civilian was a man passing by the hospital when the attack occurred, the doctor said.

The doctor said that the hospital was treating patients injured in the hostilities, including families wounded in airstrikes that hit their homes. He said that following airstrikes that hit his apartment building, he searched for his daughter, a second-year engineering student. The strikes killed her and four other civilians, including a child: “I started digging with my hands with all my strength; civil defense members haven’t arrived yet. I kept digging with my hands until I saw part of her t-shirt, I kept digging, when I saw her, she was already martyred.”

The doctor said the Israeli military provided no order to evacuate or advance warning before the first attack on the hospital. He said that on October 13, a week after the first strike, the hospital received an Israeli evacuation order.

Even those who finish their treatment can’t leave. They have no place to go after losing their houses and families and there is no safe place. We have a girl at the hospital who lost her entire family. She currently has no one to stay with, no place to go to. There’s also a boy staying at the hospital. We are waiting for him to be identified by a family member or relative. 

On October 16, another airstrike hit five meters away from the hospital, partially damaging the building, which the doctor said terrified patients and staff.

He said that on the night of October 27, after the Israeli government apparently deliberately disrupted telecommunications in Gaza, the hospital was struck again, causing additional damage to the building. Human Rights Watch geolocated a video and three photographs released on October 28 showing a crater inside the hospital’s courtyard.

On October 30, OCHA reported that this attack came after a renewed order by the Israeli military to immediately evacuate the hospital.

CCTV footage published by Al Jazeera on October 29 shows the moments the hospital ceiling collapsed due to strikes near the hospital. The hospital published photos of the collapsed ceiling to its Facebook page, which it said were the result of strikes in the vicinity of the hospital. Another strike on October 30 targeted an area near the hospital, causing dust and smoke to spread to its entrance. Footage from November 4 and November 6 show additional strikes in the hospital’s vicinity.

In a November 5 news conference, an Israel Defense Forces (IDF) spokesperson alleged that “the Indonesian Hospital is being used by Hamas to hide an underground command and control center,” that Hamas had a rocket launchpad 75 meters from the hospital, and that it was stealing fuel from the hospital.

In a news conference the next day, the Indonesia-based Medical Emergency Rescue Committee (MER-C), a volunteer group that funds the hospital, disputed the allegations, stating that the only tunnel connected to the hospital was used to send fuel to the hospital’s fuel tank to power its generators. Human Rights Watch is not in a position to corroborate the claims by Israel or the committee.

A MER-C volunteer told the media on October 30 that 2,530 people had been treated at the hospital for injuries and that 164 patients remained hospitalized. He said that more than 1,500 displaced residents were also sheltering in empty hospital rooms and in courtyards. On October 31, an influx of patients were sent to the hospital following an Israeli airstrike on Jabalia refugee camp that Gaza’s Health Ministry reported killed more than 50 people and injured 150. On November 2, Gaza’s Health Ministry reported that the hospital’s main generator stopped operating due to a lack of fuel.

International Eye Hospital
Human Rights Watch reviewed and verified photos and video footage of the International Eye Hospital in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City showing large structural damage to the main building. In the published material and in satellite imagery from October 10 and 11, damage signatures are consistent with an airstrike using a large air-dropped munition. Two strikes appear to have taken place: one on October 8 and another on October 10 or 11, which destroyed the facility. On October 21, the hospital wrote in a post on its Facebook page that the “hospital no longer exists” with a photo showing its complete destruction. 

Human Rights Watch was unable to find any published information from Israeli authorities in English, Arabic, or Hebrew reflecting that any advance warning was given or providing any legal basis for the attacks on the medical facility.

Turkish-Palestinian Friendship Hospital
Beginning the night of October 30-31, the Israeli military repeatedly struck the compound and vicinity of the Turkish-Palestinian Friendship Hospital, south of Gaza City on the campus of the Islamic University of Gaza’s Faculty of Medicine. The hospital served as the only specialized cancer treatment center in the Gaza Strip.

In satellite imagery collected on the morning of October 30, three impact craters are visible, one measuring 10 meters in diameter, less than 100 meters from the main hospital complex. On the morning after, an additional crater is visible within the hospital complex in the courtyard, measuring at least 15 meters in diameter.

OCHA reported on October 31 that the hospital had been “hit for the second night in a row,” that there was damage to the third floor, and that staff and people sheltering in the hospital were exposed to smoke, causing suffocation and panic.

The hospital director, Sobhi Skaik, told Human Rights Watch on November 3 that the October 31 attack struck the third floor of the hospital, affecting both the east and west wings, as well as the approximately 100 to 150 cancer patients there, their families, and hospital staff.

Human Rights Watch verified several videos posted on social media that show the effects of the attacks. A video posted to social media early on October 30 shows damage to the hospital’s interior. A video taken from inside the hospital and published on social media early in the evening on October 30 shows a strike near the hospital complex. A loud blast is heard in the video followed by billowing smoke.

Photos and video published by the media and on social media on October 31 show damage inside the hospital’s east wing, where there is a large circular hole in the southeastern-facing exterior wall, blown out windows, and a destroyed interior wall.

Human Rights Watch determined that the damage was most likely caused by a shell from a direct fire weapon, such as a tank’s main gun. A video posted on social media on October 30 shows an Israeli tank along Salah al-Din Road, 1.7 kilometers east of the hospital. Multiple clusters of armored military vehicles, including tanks and bulldozers, are also visible on satellite imagery from October 31 southeast of the hospital following the Israeli offensive inside the Gaza Strip. On that day, the closest armored vehicles were less than 500 meters from the hospital.

The hospital shut down on November 1 because of the airstrikes and lack of fuel. Skaik said hospital staff were forced to evacuate patients to the Dar al-Salam hospital in Khan Younis in unsafe conditions. “We evacuated under fire,” he said. “We had no protection.” He said an international agency told him that all they could do was “convey the message” to the Israelis.

According to Skaik and the Gaza Health Ministry, on November 2, four cancer patients died following the hospital evacuation. Skaik said that Dar al-Salam hospital was trying to provide services but that it was unable to provide the cancer patients the treatment they needed without the medical devices at the Turkish-Palestinian Friendship Hospital, which cannot be transferred, and that medications were running out. The Health Ministry warned that the condition of 70 of the hospital’s cancer patients was critical.

Human Rights Watch was unable to find any published information from Israeli authorities in English, Arabic, or Hebrew providing any advance warning to the hospital or a legal basis for the attacks on the medical facility. Turkish officials have condemned the Israeli military’s attack on the hospital as a violation of international law.

Al-Quds Hospital
Multiple Israeli strikes had hit the vicinity of the al-Quds hospital in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City by October 16, as shown in videos and photos posted to social media that Human Rights Watch collected and reviewed. The strikes followed Israeli evacuation orders, despite visual evidence that the hospital was being used to treat patients and shelter displaced families. Several high-rise buildings were completely destroyed in the streets adjacent to the hospital, as is evident in November 6 satellite imagery.

The Palestine Red Crescent Society (PRCS) issued a statement that the hospital, which is under its auspices, had received an Israeli order to evacuate by 4 p.m. (initially 6 a.m.) on October 14. By October 16, strikes had hit the vicinity of the hospital five times, the PRCS said. A video it published on October 18 shows a strike hitting less than 200 meters from the hospital’s entrance.

On October 20, the PRCS reported that the Israeli authorities warned about a strike on the hospital by phone and ordered an evacuation. On October 22, Israeli authorities reportedly ordered the hospital to evacuate twice within the span of half an hour. The PRCS posted a video from inside the hospital showing people standing at its entrance following what the hospital said were intense Israeli strikes 20 meters away. The hospital said the strikes occurred during a meeting of hospital staff with the International Committee of the Red Cross.

On October 29, the PRCS said that Israeli authorities warned it about a strike on the hospital and ordered an immediate evacuation, which was preceded by strikes that destroyed buildings as close as 50 meters from the hospital. Footage published on October 29 shows a strike next to the hospital building, just in front of another PRCS site, and damages to the hospital. Videos published on October 30 show the aftermath of the strike and damage to the PRCS site.

Strikes hitting the vicinity of the hospital continued on October 31, according to posts by the PRCS. Footage published on November 2 by the PRCS and other social media accounts show additional strikes in the vicinity the hospital. The PRCS announced on November 2 that fire from Israeli vehicles one kilometer south injured a man and child in front of the hospital and hit the sixth floor of the hospital where many displaced women and children were sheltering, damaging the hospital’s central air conditioning units and a water tank.

Video footage shows shattered windowssmoke, and dust as a result of what appears to be an explosion roughly 35 meters northwest of the main hospital entrance on November 3. The PRCS reported that the attack, whose effects are shown in video footage posted on social media, shattered internal glass panels and collapsed parts of the hospital’s plaster ceiling. There were 21 injuries reported, mostly to women and children. Further strikes were reported near the hospital throughout the day.

On November 5, footage shows medical personnel moving an injured man into the hospital while an explosion is audible in the background after a hit nearby. The PRCS stated that the strikes then increased in intensity, duration, and proximity to the hospital, and have led to 12 injuries among people sheltering inside, in addition to injuries to two patients, one of whom was in the intensive care unit.

OCHA reported that 14,000 displaced people were in al-Quds hospital along with hospital staff and patients as of October 29. The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies warned that hundreds of injured, bed-ridden, and long-term patients, including those in intensive care, on life-support, and babies in incubators, were being endangered by strikes in the vicinity of the hospital along with displaced people and medical staff, and that it “is close to, if not impossible” to evacuate patients in the current situation.

Strikes on Ambulances

Israeli forces have on several occasions struck ambulances marked with the Red Cross or Red Crescent emblem, often near hospitals. Ambulances, like medical facilities, have special protections under the laws of war such that they may not be attacked unless being used to commit “acts harmful to the enemy” and after due warning. In at least one case, the Israeli military claimed that armed groups were unlawfully using the ambulance that had been attacked, but did not provide more information or a warning.

On November 3, the Israeli military struck a marked ambulance just outside of Gaza City’s al-Shifa hospital. Video footage and photographs taken shortly after the strike and verified by Human Rights Watch show a woman on a stretcher in the ambulance and at least 21 dead or injured people in the area surrounding the ambulance, including at least 5 children. Gaza’s Health Ministry reported that 15 people were killed and 60 injured in the strike. An IDF spokesperson said in a televised interview that day: “Our forces saw terrorists using ambulances as a vehicle to move around. They perceived a threat and accordingly we struck that ambulance.” Human Rights Watch did not find evidence that the ambulance was being used for military purposes.

On October 7, WHO reported that an ambulance in front of the Nasser Medical Complex in Khan Younis was struck around 2 p.m., injuring several paramedics. A verified video posted to social media and an Anadolu Agency photograph showed the destroyed ambulance outside the complex.

WHO reported that a separate attack on October 7, which hit two ambulances in Jabalia, killed two paramedics and injured others.

Gaza’s Health Ministry also reported that on October 13, Israeli strikes hit three ambulances, injuring 10 paramedics.

Hostilities and Blockade

The Israeli military’s current operations in Gaza began following an October 7 Hamas-led attack in southern Israel that resulted in the killing of about 1,200 people, hundreds of them civilians, according to the Israeli government. Hamas and Islamic Jihad took hostage 240 people, including children, people with disabilities, and older people. Palestinian armed groups in Gaza have also launched thousands of rockets indiscriminately towards Israeli population centers.

The Gaza Health Ministry reported that since the Israeli bombardment of Gaza began on October 7, more than 11,000 people have been killed as of November 10, including more than 4,500 children. Over 1.5 million people have been displaced, OCHA said.

The Israeli government’s blockade of Gaza, preventing civilians’ access to items essential for their survival, such as water, food, and medicine, amounts to collective punishment and is a war crime. Warring parties must facilitate the rapid passage of impartial humanitarian aid for all civilians in need. During military occupations, such as in Gaza, the occupying power has a duty under the Fourth Geneva Convention, to the fullest extent of the means available to it, “of ensuring the food and medical supplies of the population.”

END

Medische zorg is in Gaza bijna niet meer mogelijk. Zeker vier ziekenhuizen zijn omsingeld door het Israëlische leger en met name het grootste hospitaal, Al Shifa, ligt al een paar dagen onder vuur. Volgens internationale hulporganisaties is Al Shifa verstoken van water en elektriciteit en kan er niet meer worden geopereerd. Waarom valt Israël ziekenhuizen aan?”

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MEDISCHE ZORG IN GAZA BIJNA NIET MEER MOGELIJK DOOR OORLOG, ZIEKENHUIZEN

ONDER VUUR

11 NOVEMBER 2023

https://www.ad.nl/buitenland/medische-zorg-in-gaza-bijna-niet-meer-mogelijk-door-oorlog-ziekenhuizen-onder-vuur~a11aa7f9/

Door het uitvallen van de stroom, vanwege gebrek aan brandstof, zijn er volgens de directeur van het Al Shifa-ziekenhuis in Gaza-Stad zeker twee pasgeboren baby’s en een jonge man op de intensive care overleden. Een kleine 40 pasgeboren baby’s in couveuses vechten voor hun leven. Dat meldt het ministerie van Volksgezondheid, dat onder bewind van Hamas staat.

Ook de Wereldgezondheidsorganisatie (WHO) en het Rode Kruis melden dat er sprake is van intens geweld bij het grootste ziekenhuis. Bij aanvallen zijn al meerdere doden gevallen. Het Rode Kruis pleit voor het beschermen van zo’n 20.000 gewonden, ontheemden en het medisch personeel. ‘Dit kan niet zo doorgaan, deze mensen moeten in lijn met het oorlogsrecht worden beschermd’, schrijft Fabrizio Carboni namens het Rode Kruis op X.

De WHO wil dat er een gevechtspauze komt, zodat iedereen de ziekenhuizen veilig kan verlaten. De ziekenhuisdirectie van Al Shifa en het Israëlische leger meldden dat de baby’s en andere patiënten die in levensgevaar zijn, worden geëvacueerd. Volgens een woordvoerder van het Israëlische leger willen de militairen helpen ‘omdat we niet willen dat Hamas in de toekomst doorgaat deze mensen als menselijk schild te gebruiken’.

Ook een ander groot ziekenhuis in Gaza, Al Quds, is uitgevallen door brandstoftekort. De Palestijnse Rode Halve Maan, zusterorganisatie van het Rode Kruis, meldt dat er geen brandstof meer is voor de generatoren die voor stroom zorgden. Ook is er een tekort aan medische goederen, voedsel en water. De baby’s in deze kliniek riskeren uitdroging door een tekort aan alternatieven voor moedermelk.

Volgens de Palestijnse autoriteiten worden meerdere ziekenhuizen flink geraakt door Israëlische aanvallen. Het Indonesische ziekenhuis zou zijn beschadigd en in het Al-Rantisi-ziekenhuis zou brand zijn uitgebroken. Vier ziekenhuizen zouden zijn omsingeld. Tanks en andere gepantserde voertuigen hebben het gebied rondom de ziekenhuizen volledig afgesloten, meldt Al Jazeera.

VERBORGEN COMMANDOCENTRA

Volgens de directeur van het Al Shifa voert Israël oorlog tegen de ziekenhuizen in Gaza-stad. Het Israëlische leger (IDF) zegt dat burgers geen doelwit zijn en dat het IDF zijn best doet om ze niet te raken. Israël meldt dat Hamas verborgen commandocentra onder het Al Shifa en andere ziekenhuizen heeft gebouwd.

Het gebouw zelf zou ook worden gebruikt om aanvallen uit te voeren. Daarbij zouden burgers als menselijk schild worden ingezet. Onder het Al Shifa zouden slaapzalen en badkamers zijn voor tientallen Hamas-strijders. Ook zou Hamas zelf nog voldoende brandstof hebben. Hamas ontkent de beschuldigingen.

Volgens defensiespecialist Peter Wijninga, verbonden aan het Den Haag Centrum voor Strategische Studies, heeft het IDF tot nu toe geen sluitend bewijs geleverd dat er onder de ziekenhuizen inderdaad commandocentra zijn gevestigd. ,,Maar dat is niet zo vreemd, aangezien Hamas deze centra tot nu toe altijd verborgen wist te houden. Ik denk dat Israël niet zomaar aanvallen uitvoert in de buurt van gezondheidsvoorzieningen. Ze weten meer. De kans is dan ook groot dat ze binnenkort bewijs zullen vrijgeven. Want bewijs van de aanwezigheid van militaire faciliteiten is ook noodzakelijk om de beschermde status van een ziekenhuis te laten vervallen. Anders kunnen deze aanvallen als een oorlogsmisdaad worden gezien.’’

Toch vindt Wijninga het een zeer lastige afweging om een ziekenhuis aan te vallen. ,,Israël zegt de zogeheten ‘nevenschade’, ofwel burgerslachtoffers, zo beperkt mogelijk te willen houden, maar in dit geval is dat bijna niet te doen. Veel patiënten kunnen niet eens worden geëvacueerd. Het IDF moet een afweging maken of de militaire winst van het oprollen van een commandocentrum opweegt tegen de slachtoffers die er worden gemaakt. Dat lijkt me een enorm dilemma.’’

Raketlanceerinstallaties bij scholen

Tot nu toe werden er beelden getoond van tunnels die beginnen in bunkers en woonhuizen en raketlanceerinstallaties die vlakbij scholen en speeltuinen zijn neergezet. Wijninga: ,,Zeker als Hamas ook ziekenhuizen en de tunnels onder deze gebouwen gebruikt voor militaire doeleinden, kun je deze organisatie ook verantwoordelijk houden voor de slachtoffers. Niet alleen Israël.’’

In de tussentijd wordt de situatie van de ziekenhuizen in Gaza dus steeds ernstiger en is medische zorg in veel gevallen niet meer mogelijk. Volgens de WHO zijn 21 van de 36 klinieken in de strook buiten gebruik doordat ze verwoest of beschadigd zijn, of doordat de brandstof op is. Hulpgoederen die vanuit Egypte Gaza binnenkomen, kunnen het noorden niet bereiken vanwege de onveilige situatie. In de ziekenhuizen die nog wel (deels) operationeel zijn, liggen niet alleen patiënten. Tienduizenden Gazanen die hun huis uit zijn gevlucht, gebruiken de ziekenhuizen als schuilplaats.

EINDE BERICHT

Reacties uitgeschakeld voor Noten 21 en 22/Astrid Essed weer ten strijde tegen NOS Teletekst

Opgeslagen onder Divers

Noten 23 en 24/Astrid Essed weer ten strijde tegen NOS Teletekst

[23]

”WHO reported that a separate attack on October 7, which hit two ambulances in Jabalia, killed two paramedics and injured others.”

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHGAZA: UNLAWFUL ISRAELI HOSPITAL STRIKESWORSEN HEALTH CRISIS

Israel’s Blockade, Bombardment Decimate Healthcare System; Investigate as War Crimes

14 NOVEMBER 2023

https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/11/14/gaza-unlawful-israeli-hospital-strikes-worsen-health-crisis

ZIE VOOR GEHELE BERICHT ONDER NOOT 22

[24]

”Vlak na het uitbreken van de oorlog, op 7 oktober, riep het Israëlische leger de Gazanen op het noorden van de Gazastrook te verlaten. Veel van hen trokken naar de stad Khan Younis. Deze week werd ook die voormalige ‘veilige plek’ onderdeel van het strijdtoneel.

NOS

85 PROCENT VAN DE MENSEN IN GAZA IS OPDE VLUCHT, MAAR NERGENS IS HET VEILIG

9 DECEMBER 2023

https://nos.nl/collectie/13959/artikel/2500932-85-procent-van-de-mensen-in-gaza-is-op-de-vlucht-maar-nergens-is-het-veilig

Een week geleden werden de gevechten tussen Israël en Hamas en de bombardementen op Gaza hervat, na een tijdelijke gevechtspauze van zeven dagen. Sindsdien is het Israëlische leger niet alleen in het noorden van de Gazastrook aanwezig, maar stak het leger ook de grens over in het zuiden. De honderdduizenden ontheemde Palestijnen die zich daar bevinden slaan daardoor opnieuw op de vlucht.

Vlak na het uitbreken van de oorlog, op 7 oktober, riep het Israëlische leger de Gazanen op het noorden van de Gazastrook te verlaten. Veel van hen trokken naar de stad Khan Younis. Deze week werd ook die voormalige ‘veilige plek’ onderdeel van het strijdtoneel.

Al eerder voerde het leger aanvallen uit op steden in het zuiden van de Gazastrook, hoewel ze als ‘veilig’ werden bestempeld, maar nu roept het leger op om nog zuidelijker te trekken. Bijvoorbeeld naar de grens bij Rafah of Al-Mawasi.

Geïmproviseerde schuilplaatsen

“We zien enorme stromen aan ontheemde mensen die nu naar het zuidelijkste puntje komen, naar Rafah”, zegt Rik Peeperkorn, vertegenwoordiger van de Wereldgezondheidsorganisatie (WHO) in de Palestijnse gebieden. “Elke ochtend zie je meer geïmproviseerde schuilplaatsen”, zegt hij. “Overal zie je mensen die proberen plastic vellen te krijgen, hout te sprokkelen. Op zoek naar van alles eigenlijk om maar een soort tent te maken.”

Het gaat om de zwaarste gevechten sinds het begin van de oorlog, zei de Israëlische generaal Finkelman eerder deze week over de opnieuw losgebarsten strijd. Dat heeft gevolgen voor de ontheemde Gazanen. Volgens schattingen van de Verenigde Naties zijn 1,9 van de 2,2 miljoen inwoners van Gaza ontheemd. Niet alleen moeten zij opnieuw evacueren, ook de (internationale) hulpverlening loopt gevaar door de gevechten.

Cijfers dodenaantal moeilijker te controleren:

Sinds 1 december, de dag dat de oorlog in Gaza werd hervat na een week gevechtspauze, is het moeilijker om het aantal doden in kaart te brengen. Persbureau Reuters legde donderdag uit dat in de eerste zes weken van de oorlog cijfers van ziekenhuismortuaria naar het ministerie van Volksgezondheid in Gaza werden gestuurd. Dat wordt geleid door Hamas en huisde in het al Shifa-ziekenhuis.

Voor die data legden ambtenaren in Excel-sheets namen, leeftijden en identiteitskaartnummers van de doden vast. Die lijsten werden dan doorgestuurd naar het Palestijnse ministerie van Volksgezondheid op de Westelijke Jordaanoever. Die geven de cijfers weer door aan de persbureaus. Dat ministerie laat aan Reuters weten dat van de vier mensen die het datacentrum in het al Shifa-ziekenhuis leidden één persoon gedood is bij een luchtaanval en drie mensen vermist zijn geraakt, nadat het pand door Israël in beslag was genomen.

Sindsdien is het volgens het persbureau lastig geworden om bij te houden hoeveel mensen er dagelijks omkomen. Volgens de laatste cijfers van de Palestijnse ministeries zijn er sinds het begin van de oorlog 17.177 mensen gedood. Voor de gevechtspauze ging het om ongeveer 15.000 mensen. Volgens Unicef waren er voor de gevechtspauze 5300 kinderen onder het aantal doden.

Het Israëlische leger heeft eenzijdig Al-Mawasi aangewezen als “humanitaire zone”. Het gaat om een klein gebied van ongeveer 1 kilometer breed en 14 kilometer lang aan de zuidwestkust van de Gazastrook. VN-organisatie UNRWA heeft meerdere keren genoemd dat “eenzijdig uitgeroepen ‘veilige zones’ helemaal niet veilig zijn”.

Het Israëlische leger garandeert overigens niet dat het niet ook dat gebied zal aanvallen.

EINDE

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

ISRAEL/OPT: ”NOWHERE SAFE IN GAZA”/UNLAWFUL

ISRAELI STRIKES ILLUSTRATE CALLOUS DISREGARD FOR PALESTINIAN LIVES

20 NOVEMBER 2023

  • Further evidence of war crimes killing 46 civilians
  • Victims of attack on church include three-month-old baby and woman aged 80
  • “There is nowhere safe in Gaza during this war” – Ramez al-Sury, whose three children were killed

Israeli forces have demonstrated – yet again – a chilling indifference to the catastrophic toll on civilians of their ongoing relentless bombardment of the occupied Gaza Strip.

As part of its ongoing investigation into violations of the laws of war, Amnesty International has documented two illustrative cases in which Israeli strikes killed 46 civilians, including 20 children. The oldest victim was an 80-year-old woman and the youngest was a three-month-old baby. These attacks must be investigated as war crimes.

The attacks, which occurred on 19 and 20 October, hit a church building where hundreds of displaced civilians were sheltering in Gaza City and a home in al-Nuseirat refugee camp in central Gaza.

Amnesty International, based on its in-depth investigation of these events, has determined that these strikes were indiscriminate attacks or direct attacks on civilians or civilian objects, which must be investigated as war crimes.

“These deadly, unlawful attacks are part of a documented pattern of disregard for Palestinian civilians, and demonstrate the devastating impact of the Israeli military’s unprecedented onslaught has left nowhere safe in Gaza, regardless of where civilians live or seek shelter,” said Erika Guevara-Rosas, Amnesty International’s Director of Global Research, Advocacy and Policy.

“We urge the International Criminal Court’s prosecutor to take immediate concrete action to expedite the investigation into war crimes and other crimes under international law opened in 2021.

“The harrowing accounts from survivors and relatives of victims describing the devastating human toll of these bombardments offer a snapshot of the mass civilian suffering being inflicted daily across Gaza by the Israeli military’s relentless attacks, underscoring the urgent need for an immediate ceasefire.”

Amnesty International visited the sites of the strikes, took pictures of the aftermath of each attack, and interviewed a total of 14 individuals, including nine survivors, two other witnesses, a relative of victims and two church leaders. Amnesty International’s Crisis Evidence Lab analysed satellite imagery and open-source audio-visual material to geolocate and verify the attacks.

The organization also reviewed relevant statements by the Israeli military and sent questions to the Israeli military’s spokesperson unit on 30 October regarding the church attack and the al-Nuseirat camp attack. At the time of publication, no response had been received.

Israeli authorities have not published any credible evidence of the basis for these strikes, including about alleged military objectives present. On the contrary, in the case of the bombing of the church building, the Israeli military published contradictory information, including a video it later withdrew and a statement it failed to substantiate. Amnesty International’s research did not find any indication that the buildings hit could be considered military objectives or were used by fighters.

These findings build on previous Amnesty International documentation of unlawful Israeli strikes during the current escalation and on documentation of a similar pattern of unlawful strikes during previous rounds of Israeli operations in Gaza. The current bombardment is unparalleled for Gaza in its intensity, in the number of civilians killed, and in the level of destruction to homes, schools, hospitals, and other civilian infrastructure

“Israeli forces’ callous disregard for international humanitarian law has been documented by the organization extensively in previous military operations – but the intensity and cruelty of the current bombardment is unparalleled,” said Erika Guevara-Rosas.

“The horrifying death toll in Gaza – with more than 11,000 Palestinians killed, including more than 4,600 children within just six weeks – is in itself a signal of just how disposable Palestinian lives are in the eyes of Israeli forces ordering and carrying out these attacks.”

‘My heart died with my children’

On 19 October, an Israeli air strike destroyed a building in the compound of the Saint Porphyrius Greek Orthodox Church in the heart of Gaza’s old city, where an estimated 450 internally displaced members of Gaza’s small Christian community were sheltering. The strike killed 18 civilians and injured at least 12 others.

Ramez al-Sury, who lost his three children and 10 other relatives in the attack, told Amnesty International: “My heart died with my children that evening. All my children were killed: Majid, 11, Julie, 12, and Suhail, 14. I have nothing left. I should have died with my children.

“I left them only two minutes earlier. My sister called me to go downstairs to the basement to help my father [who is] bedridden since he had a stroke… my children stayed in the room with my cousins and their wives and children. That is when the strike happened and killed everyone.

“We left our homes and came to stay at the church because we thought we would be protected here. We have nowhere else to go… The church was full of peaceful people, only peaceful people… There is nowhere safe in Gaza during this war. Bombardments everywhere, day and night. Every day, more and more civilians are killed. We pray for peace, but our hearts are broken.”

Sami Tarazi told Amnesty International that his parents, Marwan and Nahed, were killed, along with his six-month-old niece, Joelle, and his 80-year-old relative, Elaine.

One of the church leaders told Amnesty International: “We don’t know why this bombardment [was launched] against our church; nobody has provided any explanation for causing such a tragedy. This is a church, a place of peace and love and prayer… There is no safety anywhere in Gaza at present.”

On 20 October, the Israeli military posted a video of drone footage on social media, reviewed and archived by Amnesty International, showing the moment of the air strike on a building within the church compound. Several media outlets then quoted an Israeli military statement indicating that “IDF fighter jets struck the command and control center belonging to a Hamas terrorist involved in the launching of rockets and mortars toward Israel”, acknowledging that “a wall of a church in the area was damaged” as a result of the strike, and assuring that “the incident is under review”.

However, the Israeli military video showing the strike has since been deleted, and no information has been provided by the Israeli military or authorities to substantiate the claim that the destroyed church building was a Hamas “command and control center”, nor any further information about the purported review of the strike. 

Amnesty International’s Crisis Evidence Lab examined, verified and geolocated videos and images posted on social media of the immediate aftermath of the strike, and analyzed satellite images of the location before and after the strike – all confirming the destruction of one building and partial destruction of another in the church compound.

Amnesty International’s weapons expert also examined the military’s video and other images, and concluded that a large air-delivered munition directly struck the building where those killed and injured were sheltering. 

Church officials had publicly stated that hundreds of civilians were sheltering there prior to the strike, so their presence would therefore have been known to the Israeli military. The Israeli military’s decision to go ahead with a strike on a known church compound and site for displaced civilians was reckless and therefore amounts to a war crime, even if there was a belief that there was a military objective nearby.

I will live with that guilt for the rest of my life’

On 20 October at around 2pm local time, 28 civilians – including 12 children – were killed by an Israeli strike, which destroyed the al-Aydi family home and severely damaged two neighbouring houses in the al-Nuseirat refugee camp, in the central Gaza Strip, within the area where the Israeli military had ordered residents of northern Gaza to move to.

Rami al-Aydi, his wife Ranin, and their three children – Ghina, 10, Maya, eight, and Iyad, six – were killed. Zeina Abu Shehada and her two children, Amir al-Aydi, four, and Rakan al-Aydi, three, were also killed, along with Zeina’s two sisters and mother.

Hani al-Aydi, who survived the strike, told Amnesty International: “We were sitting at home, it was full of people, of children, of relatives. Suddenly, without any warning, everything collapsed on our head. All my brothers died, my nephews, my nieces… My mother died, my sisters died, our home is gone… There is nothing here, and now we are left with nothing and are displaced. I don’t know how much worse things will get. Could it get any worse?”

Hazem Abu Shehada’s wife and three daughters were among the victims. They had moved from the nearby al-Maghazi refugee camp looking for safety. He told Amnesty International: “I will live with that guilt for the rest of my life. It was I who suggested they move there temporarily. I wish I did not do that, I wish I could turn the clock back. I’d rather we all died together than losing my family.”

The strike also caused severe damage and the near-total destruction of the neighbouring houses of the al-Ashram and Abu Zarqa families. Six people were killed at the Abu Zarqa home, including four children: sisters Sondos, 12, and Areej, 11; and their cousins Yara, 10, and Khamis Abu Tahoun, 12.

Amnesty International’s investigation found that all of those present in the al-Aydi house that was hit directly and in the two nearby homes were civilians. Two members of the al-Aydi family had permits to work in Israel, which requires rigorous security checks by Israeli authorities, for those obtaining the permit and their extended family.

Satellite imagery of the site confirms destruction – consistent with an air strike – between 20 October at 11:19 UTC and 21 October at 08:22 UTC. The area and many of the structures appear to have sustained significant damage.

International humanitarian law

Parties to an armed conflict must at all times distinguish between civilians and civilian objects on the one hand and fighters and military objectives on the other. Direct attacks on civilians and civilian objects are prohibited, as are indiscriminate attacks.

When attacking a military objective, Israel is obligated to take all feasible precautions to avoid, and in any event to minimize, death and injury to civilians and damage to civilian objects. Such precautions include doing all that is possible to verify that a target is a military objective; choosing means and methods of attack that minimize civilian harm; assessing whether an attack would be disproportionate; giving effective advance warning where feasible; and canceling an attack should it become apparent that it would be unlawful. 

Amnesty International did not find any indication that there were any military objectives at the site of the two strikes or that the people in the buildings were military targets, raising concerns that these strikes were direct attacks on civilians or on civilian objects.

But even if there had been a legitimate military objective in the vicinity of any of the buildings that were hit, these strikes failed to distinguish between military objectives and civilian objects. The evidence collected by Amnesty International also indicates that the Israeli military failed to take feasible precautions to minimize damage to civilians and civilian property, including by not providing any warning – at minimum to anyone living in the locations that were hit – before launching the attacks.

Indiscriminate strikes that kill or injure civilians constitute war crimes. A longstanding pattern of reckless attacks that strike civilian objects, which Amnesty International has documented throughout Israel’s ongoing attacks, as well as during the 2008-92014, and 2021 conflicts, may amount to directing attacks against civilians and civilian objects, also a war crime.

The extremely high population density in Gaza entails additional challenges for all the parties involved in the conflict. Hamas and other armed groups are required under international humanitarian law to take feasible precautions to protect civilians from the effects of attacks. This includes, to the extent feasible, avoiding locating military objectives within or near densely populated areas.

However, even if armed groups fail to fulfil their obligations, Israel remains bound by international humanitarian law, including prohibitions against indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks.

Background

Amnesty International is calling for an immediate ceasefire by all parties to prevent further loss of civilian lives and to ensure access to aid for people in Gaza amidst an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe.

Amnesty International documented how Hamas and other armed groups launched indiscriminate rockets into Israel on 07 October 2023, and sent fighters who committed war crimes, such as deliberate mass killings of civilians and hostage taking. According to Israeli authorities, at least 239 people, including 33 children, remain hostages of Hamas and other armed groups in Gaza.

The organization has also documented damning evidence of war crimes by Israeli forces in their Gaza offensive, including other indiscriminate attacks, that have resulted in mass civilian casualties, wiped out entire families, and destroyed residential neighbourhoods.

END

VOLKSKRANT

ZE ZIJN NAAR EEN VEILIGE PLEK GEGAAN EN NU ZIJN ZE

GEDOOD,

WAAROM?

https://www.volkskrant.nl/buitenland/ze-zijn-naar-een-veilige-plek-gegaan-en-nu-zijn-ze-gedood-waarom~b67536fc/

Ook het zuidelijke gedeelte van de Gazastrook, waar Gazanen in opdracht van Israël massaal naartoe zijn gegaan, blijkt onveilig. Het huis waarin zijn familie zat werd zaterdagmiddag gebombardeerd, vertelt Sami Al-Ajrami. Ondertussen worden water, voedsel en brandstof steeds schaarser.

Ze waren vrijdag naar het zuiden van de Gazastrook gegaan, zoals bevolen door het Israëlische leger. De zussen van Sami Al-Ajrami en hun kinderen, en vrienden. Ze gingen naar Deir al-Balah, ten zuiden van de rivierbedding Wadi Gaza. Daar zou het veilig zijn. Maar dat bleek anders. ‘Het huis waar mijn familie zat is net gebombardeerd’, vertelt Al-Ajrami aan de telefoon vanuit het ziekenhuis Shuhadaa’ Al Aqsa.

Al-Ajrami, van wie de familie voor zover de Volkskrant bekend geen banden heeft met Hamas, verblijft zelf met zijn dochters in een ander huis. Hij kan niet geloven wat er is gebeurd. ‘Ze zijn naar een veilige plek gegaan en nu zijn ze daar gedood. Waarom?’ Al-Ajrami, die werkt als fixer voor internationale media, kan weinig anders zeggen dan dat. ‘Waarom? Deze plek zou veilig zijn.’ Het telefoongesprek is kort. Hij wil terug naar de gewonden en ‘proberen afscheid te nemen van degenen die dood zijn’.

Bij hem in het ziekenhuis is zijn vriend Wisam al-Ashi, een video-editor. Ook hij is gisteren met zijn familie naar het zuiden gegaan en zit met zo’n vijftig mensen in een huis net aan de noordkant van Wadi Gaza. Al-Ashi, de redelijkheid zelve en nooit vol verwijt over Israël, is de weg kwijt.

‘Mijn vriend Sami staat hier naast me te huilen, hij heeft net heel veel familieleden verloren. Er zijn veel doden, veel gewonden. En ik vraag me af: waar zijn we dan veilig? Israël heeft via sociale media en via pamfletten die uit de lucht kwamen gezegd dat we het noorden moesten verlaten. We hebben dat gedaan. Veel mensen zitten nu met drie of vier families bij elkaar in een huis. En dan, zomaar, worden ze gedood. Waarom? Ik kan het niet begrijpen.’

Gebrek aan water

Iets verder naar het zuiden zit Reham Owda, een jonge vrouw uit Gaza-Stad. Zaterdagochtend al, voor haar vertrek naar het zuiden, moest ze haar huis uit, vertelt ze via de telefoon, omdat de hele straat werd geëvacueerd vanwege aanstaande bombardementen. Ze schuilde in het Shifa-ziekenhuis. Die avond kwam ze aan in de zuidelijke stad Khan Younis. ‘Het grootste probleem is dat we geen water hebben, omdat er geen elektriciteit is. De pompen werken niet. Wij hebben nog een paar flessen mineraalwater.’

Ook in Khan Younis zijn er bombardementen, vertelt ze. Dus ook daar geen veiligheid. ‘Maar het ergste nu is het gebrek aan elektriciteit en brandstof voor de generatoren. Sommige families hebben nog een beetje diesel op voorraad.’ Om in contact met de buitenwereld te blijven, vertelt ze, gaan mensen naar de medische centra om de batterij van de telefoon op te laden.

Ook Al-Ashi noemt als grootste nood nu vooral het gebrek aan water. ‘Om je te wassen, voor wat dan ook. Drinkwater kun je nog in flessen krijgen. Maar de prijs gaat snel omhoog. En het is op steeds minder plekken te krijgen. Ook voedsel is er nog, maar wordt steeds duurder, omdat de voorraden kleiner worden doordat Israël de toevoer via de grensovergangen heeft gestopt.’

Gazanen spreken van tweede Nakba

Voor veel mensen in Gaza roept wat nu gaande is herinneringen op aan 1948, toen honderdduizenden Palestijnen op de vlucht sloegen, in wat sindsdien de Nakba heet – de catastrofe. Ze verlieten hun huizen en talloze families namen de sleutel mee. Voor als ze terug zouden gaan. In veel Palestijnse huizen hangt nog zo’n sleutel. Zij wonen sindsdien in vluchtelingenkampen op de Westelijke Jordaanoever, in Libanon en Jordanië. En in de Gazastrook.

Velen in Gaza, opnieuw verdreven, spreken nu over een tweede Nakba. Sommigen gaan om die reden niet naar het zuiden, ze zeggen dat ze liever sterven in hun eigen huis. Stel dat er een kans komt naar Egypte te gaan, zouden ze dat doen? Reham Owda: ‘Ik blijf hier tot we terug kunnen naar Gaza-Stad. Tenzij ze ons dwingen om te gaan.’ Wisam al-Ashi: ‘Jazeker, dan ga ik. Ik wil niet dat mijn familie, mijn kinderen doodgaan. Elke keer als ik kinderen zie die zijn gestorven, zie ik mijn eigen kinderen voor me.’

Bij het bombardement op de plek waar de familie van Sami al-Ajrami ‘veilig’ onderdak had gevonden, blijkt een woonblok van zes gebouwen geraakt. Geruchten doen de ronde, zegt hij zondagochtend, dat in een van de woningen een lid zat van Al-Qassam, de gewapende brigade van Hamas. En zo heeft Al-Ajrami zondag veertien familieleden begraven.

EINDE

ALJAZEERA

FROM NORTH TO SOUTH, NOWHERE SAFE IN

GAZA AS 700 KILLED IN 24 HOURS

3 DECEMBER 2023

[PAS OP, NARE BEELDEN]

https://www.aljazeera.com/gallery/2023/12/3/from-north-to-south-nowhere-safe-in-gaza-as-700-killed-in-24-hours#:~:text=At%20least%20700%20Palestinians%20have,camp%20for%20a%20second%20day

At least 700 Palestinians have been killed in the past 24 hours – one of the highest daily death tolls since the war began on October 7.

From the north to the south, Palestinians in Gaza say nowhere is safe.

The Israeli military targeted the Jabalia refugee camp for a second day. Several homes were destroyed, killing dozens of people. More are buried under the rubble.

Israel has also called on residents from certain neighbourhoods in Khan Younis in southern Gaza to evacuate. Roads leading to other parts of the city or further south have been destroyed or heavily damaged.

More than 15,500 people have been confirmed killed in Gaza since the start of the conflict, according to the Ministry of Health in Gaza.

A Palestinian Civil Defence spokesperson told Al Jazeera that conditions across Gaza are “beyond dire”, warning that rescuers lack the resources to reach all victims of Israeli bombardment.

“There are dozens of civilians being killed in every single air strike. Hundreds are also being wounded,” said Mahmoud Basal.

END

Reacties uitgeschakeld voor Noten 23 en 24/Astrid Essed weer ten strijde tegen NOS Teletekst

Opgeslagen onder Divers

Noot 25/Astrid Essed weer ten strijde tegen NOS Teletekst

[25]

NOS

LEEFGEBIED GAZANEN TOT EEN DERDE TERUGGEBRACHT

https://nos.nl/collectie/13959/artikel/2507785-leefgebied-gazanen-tot-een-derde-teruggebracht

VN-waarnemers zeggen dat het gebied waarvoor een Israëlisch evacuatiebevel geldt nu twee derde van de Gazastrook uitmaakt, ofwel 246 vierkante kilometer. De plaatsen waar de inwoners van Gaza naartoe kunnen vluchten beslaan daardoor nog maar een derde van hun leefgebied van voor de oorlog met Israël.

De meeste inwoners zijn nu samengedrongen in het zuidelijke deel van de Gazastrook. Meer dan de helft van de 2,3 miljoen Gazanen verblijft in de stad Rafah, aan de grens met Egypte, en het gebied eromheen.

Guido Versloot werkt voor het Rode Kruis in het zuiden van Gaza als fysiotherapeut in het European Gaza Hospital in Khan Younis. Woordvoerder Danielle Brouwer van de hulporganisatie sprak hem vorige week voor het laatst over de situatie.

“Hij vertelde dat er steeds meer zware regenval in Gaza is. Mensen wonen in tenten rondom het ziekenhuis, omdat het daar relatief veilig is. Maar die tenten lopen onder water, waardoor mensen in het ziekenhuis onderdak zoeken.”

Operaties zonder verdoving

Het vervoeren van hulpgoederen is een grote uitdaging. Volgens fysiotherapeut Versloot raakt de voorraad medicijnen en verdovingsmiddelen op. Hij vreest dat de hulpverleners binnenkort noodgedwongen operaties zonder verdoving moeten uitvoeren. “Er zijn veel meer hulpgoederen nodig in Gaza,” zegt Brouwer.

Een deel van een ander ziekenhuis in het zuiden van Gaza, het Al-Amal ziekenhuis, is gisteren geëvacueerd, vertelt ze. “Afgelopen weekend zijn daar drie medewerkers van de Rode Kruis om het leven gekomen.”

8000 mensen verlieten het ziekenhuis omdat het gebied onveilig was door bombardementen en beschietingen. Er wordt nog wel zorg verleend in het ziekenhuis, ouderen en zieke mensen kunnen er blijven.

Van 300 naar 1000 tenten

Het Rode Kruis bouwde tenten als tijdelijk onderdak voor mensen bij Khan Younis. Er staan er nu 300 tenten, dat worden er 1000. Momenteel is er ruimte voor 1500 mensen. De extra tenten zouden onderdak moeten bieden aan nog eens 6000 mensen.

Israël zegt dat het alleen doelen van Hamas aanvalt. Het stelt Hamas verantwoordelijk voor de burgerslachtoffers, omdat de organisatie vanuit bewoond gebied tegen Israël vecht.

Bij de oorlog in Gaza zijn volgens de Palestijnse autoriteiten meer dan 27.000 mensen omgekomen. De autoriteiten maken geen onderscheid tussen burgers en Hamasstrijders die tegen Israël vechten. Twee derde van de doden zouden vrouwen en kinderen zijn.

EINDE

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[26]

AL JAZEERA

ISRAEL’S WAR ON GAZA LIVE:

SNIPERS GUN DOWN CIVILIANS OUTSIDE HOSPITAL

9 FEBRUARY 2024

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/liveblog/2024/2/9/israels-war-on-gaza-live-fear-in-rafah-as-israel-prepares-ground-attack#:~:text=Gaza%20death%20toll%20rises%20to,67%2C459%20Palestinians%20have%20been%20wounded.
  • Israeli snipers in Khan Younis kill at least 21 people outside of Nasser Hospital with medical staff also being targeted. Some 107 Palestinians were killed and 142 injured in the past 24 hours.
  • US President Joe Biden calls Israel’s attack on Gaza “over the top” and says he continues to work “tirelessly” for an extended “pause in fighting”.
  • UN chief Antonio Guterres says half of Gaza’s 2.3 million population “is now crammed into Rafah with nowhere to go”, warning the displaced “have no homes” and “no hope”.
  • At least 27,947 people have been killed and 67,459 wounded in Israeli attacks on Gaza since October 7. The death toll in Israel from the October 7 Hamas attacks stands at 1,139.

[27]

Although Israel says it strives to avoid civilian casualties, including issuing evacuation orders, more than 11,500 under-18s have been killed according to Palestinian health officials”
BBCINJURED, HUNGRY AND ALONE-THE GAZANCHILDREN ORPHANED BY WAR31 JANUARY 2024

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-68141039

Born amid the horrors of the war in Gaza, the month-old baby girl lying in an incubator has never known a parent’s embrace.

She was delivered by Caesarean section after her mother, Hanna, was crushed in an Israeli air strike. Hanna did not live to name her daughter.

“We just call her the daughter of Hanna Abu Amsha,” says nurse Warda al-Awawda, who is caring for the tiny newborn at the al-Aqsa Hospital in Deir al-Balah in central Gaza.

Warning: This piece contains graphic descriptions which some may find upsetting.

In the chaos caused by the ongoing fighting and with entire families almost wiped out, medics and rescuers often struggle to find carers for bereaved children.

“We have lost contact with her family,” the nurse tells us. “None of her relatives have shown up and we don’t know what happened to her father.”

Children, who make up nearly half of Gaza’s population of 2.3 million, have had their lives shattered by the brutal war.

Although Israel says it strives to avoid civilian casualties, including issuing evacuation orders, more than 11,500 under-18s have been killed according to Palestinian health officials. Even more have injuries, many of them life-changing.

It is hard to get accurate figures but according to a recent report from Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor, a non-profit group, more than 24,000 children have also lost one or both parents.

Ibrahim Abu Mouss, just 10 years old, suffered severe leg and stomach injuries when a missile hit his home. But his tears are for his dead mum, grandfather and sister.

“They kept telling me they were being treated upstairs in the hospital,” says Ibrahim as his father clutches his hand.

“But I found out the truth when I saw photos on my dad’s phone. I cried so much that I hurt all over.”

The cousins of the Hussein family used to play together but now they sit solemnly by the sandy graves where some of their relatives are buried by a school-turned-shelter in central Gaza. Each has lost one or both parents.

“The missile fell on my mum’s lap and her body was torn into pieces. For days we were taking her body parts from the rubble of the house,” says Abed Hussein, who lived in al-Bureij refugee camp.

“When they said that my brother, my uncle and my whole family were killed I felt like my heart was bleeding with fire.”

With dark bags around his eyes, Abed stays awake at night frightened by the sounds of Israeli shelling and feeling alone.

“When my mum and dad were alive, I used to sleep but after they were killed, I can’t sleep any more. I used to sleep next to my dad,” he explains.

Abed and his two surviving siblings are being looked after by his grandmother but everyday life is very hard.

“There’s no food or water,” he says. “I have a stomach ache from drinking sea water.”

Kinza Hussein’s father was killed trying to fetch flour to make bread. She is haunted by the image of his corpse, brought home for burial after he was killed by a missile.

“He had no eyes, and his tongue was cut,” she remembers.

“All we want is for the war to be over,” she says. “Everything is sad.”

Nearly everyone in Gaza now relies on aid handouts for the basics of life. According to UN figures, some 1.7 million people have been displaced, with many forced to move repeatedly in search of safety.

But the UN’s children’s agency, Unicef, says its biggest concern is for an estimated 19,000 children who are orphaned or have ended up alone with no adult to look after them.

“Many of these children have been found under the rubble or have lost their parents in the bombing of their home,” Jonathan Crickx, chief of communications for Unicef Palestine, tells me from Rafah in southern Gaza. Others have been found at Israeli checkpoints, hospitals and on the streets.

“The youngest ones very often cannot say their name and even the older ones are usually in shock so it can be extremely difficult to identify them and potentially regroup them with their extended family.”

Even when relatives can be found, they are not always well placed to help care for bereaved children.

“Let’s keep in mind they are often also in a very dire situation,” Mr Crickx says.

“They may have their own children to take care of and it can be difficult, if not impossible, for them to take care of these unaccompanied and separated children.”

Since the war started, a non-profit organisation, SOS Children’s Villages, which works locally with Unicef, says it has been working to take in 55 such children, all aged under 10. It has employed additional specialist staff in Rafah to give psychological help.

A senior SOS staff member tells me about a four-year-old who had been left at a checkpoint. She was brought in with selective mutism, an anxiety disorder which left her unable to speak about what had happened to her and her family, but is now making progress after being welcomed with gifts and playing with other children she lives with.

Unicef believes that nearly all children in Gaza are now in need of mental health support.

With their lives shattered, even when there is a lasting ceasefire, many will be left with terrible losses that they will struggle to overcome.

END

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[28]

MAIL ASTRID ESSED AAN NOS TELETEKST/”UW BERICHTGEVING DD

15 JANUARI 2024/”SPELER ISRAEL OPGEPAKT IN TURKIJE”

[29]

NOS TELETEKST

NETANYAHU VERWERPT HAMAS VOORSTEL

https://teletekst-data.nos.nl/webplus?p=125

Zoals verwacht gaat Israel niet akkoord met het voorstel

van Hamas voor een staakt-het-vuren.

Premier Netanyahu zei dat op een persconferentie in

Jeruzalem.

Hamas had een staakt-het-vuren in drie fases voorgesteld waarbij

de gijzelaars vrij zouden komen net als Palestijnse gevangenen.

Ook zou Israel uit Gaza moeten vertrekken.

Netanyahu noemde de eisen van Hamas waanzinnig.

Volgens Netanyahu gaat de oorlog door tot Israel de totale

overwinning heeft behaald.

Hij herhaalde zijn doelen: het ontmantelen van Hamas en de

vrijlating van alle gijzelaars.

De overwinning ligt binnen handbereik, zei Netanyahu.

EINDE NOS TELETEKSTBERICHT

ORIGINEEL NOS TELETEKST BERICHT

NOS TELETEKST

NETANYAHU VERWERPT HAMAS VOORSTEL

https://teletekst-data.nos.nl/webplus?p=125
Netanyahu verwerpt Hamas-voorstel   Zoals verwacht gaat Israël niet akkoord met het voorstel van Hamas voor een staakt-het-vuren.Premier Netanyahu zei dat op een persconferentie in Jeruzalem. Hamas had een staakt-het-vuren in drie fases voorgesteld waarbij de gijzelaars vrij zouden komen net als Palestijnse gevangenen.Ook zou Israël uit Gaza moeten vertrekken.Netanyahu noemde de eisen van Hamas waanzinnig. Volgens Netanyahu gaat de oorlog door tot Israël de totale overwinning heeft behaald.Hij herhaalde zijn doelen:het ontmantelen van Hamas en de vrijlating van alle gijzelaars.De overwinning ligt binnen handbereik,zei Netanyahu.  nieuws buitenland binnenland sport

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[30]


NU.NL

NETANYAHU KONDIGT OP VALREEP MEEST RECHTSE

ISRAELISCHE REGERING OOIT AAN

22 DECEMBER 2022

https://www.nu.nl/buitenland/6243591/netanyahu-kondigt-op-valreep-meest-rechtse-israelische-regering-ooit-aan.html

De Israëlische oud-premier Benjamin Netanyahu heeft een nieuwe, ultrarechtse regering gevormd. Het wordt de meest rechtse regering in de geschiedenis van het land. Netanyahu’s conservatieve partij Likud gaat regeren met religieus-nationalistische partners.

De deadline verliep woensdagavond, maar vlak daarvoor stelde Netanyahu president Isaac Herzog ervan op de hoogte dat hij eruit was met zijn coalitiepartners.

Likud won de parlementsverkiezingen van 1 november. De partij sleepte 32 zetels binnen. Dat was het beste resultaat in de partijgeschiedenis, maar onvoldoende om zelfstandig te regeren. Als grootste partij kreeg Likud wel het mandaat om als eerste te proberen een regering te vormen.

Dat mandaat verliep eigenlijk begin december, maar Netanyahu kreeg van president Herzog tien dagen extra, tot 22 december middernacht.

Ultra-orthodoxe partijen zijn voor annexatie en tegen gelijke rechten

Met de steun van de ultra-orthodoxe partijen kan de nieuwe regering rekenen op 64 van de 120 zetels in het parlement. Wanneer de nieuwe regering wordt beëdigd en hoe de ministersposten zijn verdeeld is nog niet bekend. Naar verwachting zullen de leiders van de ultra-orthodoxe partijen een plek in het kabinet krijgen.

Zij hebben zich in het verleden uitgesproken voor onder meer annexatie van de door Israël bezette Westelijke Jordaanoever. Ook spraken ze zich uit voor ruimere bevoegdheden voor het leger om geweld te gebruiken en tegen gelijke rechten voor vrouwen en de lhbtiq+-gemeenschap.

Netanyahu (73) was van 1996 tot 1999 al premier van Israël en van 2009 tot 2021 opnieuw.

EINDE BERICHT

BBC

ISRAEL’S MOST RIGHT-WING GOVERNMENT AGREED UNDER 

BENJAMIN NETANYAHU

22 DECEMBER 2022

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-63942616

A new government seen as the most right-wing in Israel’s history has been agreed, sealing Benjamin Netanyahu’s return to power.

Mr Netanyahu, who won elections in November, is set to serve an historic sixth term as prime minster.

His coalition contains far-right parties, including one whose leader was once convicted of anti-Arab racism.

Palestinians fear the new government will also strengthen Israel’s hold on the occupied West Bank.

“I have managed [to form a government],” Mr Netanyahu tweeted, just minutes before a midnight local time (22:00 GMT) deadline set by the Israeli President, Isaac Herzog.

It will take over from the outgoing centre-left caretaker government when it is sworn in, which is expected to happen next week.

Mr Netanyahu’s coalition partners reject the idea of a two-state solution to the Israel-Palestinian conflict – the internationally backed formula for peace which envisages an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank alongside Israel, with Jerusalem as their shared capital.

The leader of the Religious Zionism party, which in alliance with two other far-right parties won the third largest number of seats in the knesset (parliament), wants to see Israel annex the West Bank and has been given wide powers over its activities there.

Israel occupied the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip in the 1967 war. More than 600,000 Jewish settlers live in East Jerusalem and the West Bank. The settlements they live in are considered illegal under international law, though Israel disputes this. Israel pulled its settlers and troops out of the Gaza Strip in 2005.

Israeli opposition politicians, as well as its attorney general, have warned that reforms planned by the incoming government – including giving MPs the right to overrule Supreme Court decisions – threaten to undermine Israeli democracy.

Coalition partners have also proposed legal reforms which could end Mr Netanyahu’s ongoing trial on charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust. Mr Netanyahu denies any wrongdoing.

Israeli opposition and civil rights groups have expressed particular alarm at the inclusion of the far-right in the new government.

Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) party leader Itamar Ben-Gvir is known for his anti-Arab comments and has called for the relaxation of rules on when security forces can open fire in the face of threats. Once convicted of incitement to racism and supporting a terror organisation, he is set to become national security minister with authority over the police in Israel and the West Bank.

The other far-right partner in government, Avi Maoz of the anti-LGBT Noam party, has called for Jerusalem’s Gay Pride event to be banned, disapproves of equal opportunities for women in the military, and wants to limit Jewish immigration to Israel to those defined as such according to Jewish religious law.

Mr Netanyahu has accused critics of fearmongering and has vowed to preserve the status quo.

“I’ll have two hands firmly on the steering wheel,” he told US broadcaster NPR last week. “I won’t let anybody do anything to LGBT or to deny our Arab citizens their rights or anything like that, it just won’t happen. And the test of time will prove that.”

END

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

ISRAEL’S APARTHEID AGAINST PALESTINIANS”A CRUEL 

SYSTEM OF DOMINATION AND A CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY

1 FEBRUARI 2022

Israeli authorities must be held accountable for committing the crime of apartheid against Palestinians, Amnesty International said today in a damning new report. The investigation details how Israel enforces a system of oppression and domination against the Palestinian people wherever it has control over their rights. This includes Palestinians living in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), as well as displaced refugees in other countries.

The comprehensive reportIsrael’s Apartheid against Palestinians: Cruel System of Domination and Crime against Humanity, sets out how massive seizures of Palestinian land and property, unlawful killings, forcible transfer, drastic movement restrictions, and the denial of nationality and citizenship to Palestinians are all components of a system which amounts to apartheid under international law. This system is maintained by violations which Amnesty International found to constitute apartheid as a crime against humanity, as defined in the Rome Statute and Apartheid Convention.

Amnesty International is calling on the International Criminal Court (ICC) to consider the crime of apartheid in its current investigation in the OPT and calls on all states to exercise universal jurisdiction to bring perpetrators of apartheid crimes to justice.

“There is no possible justification for a system built around the institutionalized and prolonged racist oppression of millions of people. Apartheid has no place in our world, and states which choose to make allowances for Israel will find themselves on the wrong side of history. Governments who continue to supply Israel with arms and shield it from accountability at the UN are supporting a system of apartheid, undermining the international legal order, and exacerbating the suffering of the Palestinian people. The international community must face up to the reality of Israel’s apartheid, and pursue the many avenues to justice which remain shamefully unexplored.”

Amnesty International’s findings build on a growing body of work by Palestinian, Israeli and international NGOs, who have increasingly applied the apartheid framework to the situation in Israel and/or the OPT.

Identifying apartheid

A system of apartheid is an institutionalized regime of oppression and domination by one racial group over another. It is a serious human rights violation which is prohibited in public international law. Amnesty International’s extensive research and legal analysis, carried out in consultation with external experts, demonstrates that Israel enforces such a system against Palestinians through laws, policies and practices which ensure their prolonged and cruel discriminatory treatment.

In international criminal law, specific unlawful acts which are committed within a system of oppression and domination, with the intention of maintaining it, constitute the crime against humanity of apartheid. These acts are set out in the Apartheid Convention and the Rome Statute, and include unlawful killing, torture, forcible transfer, and the denial of basic rights and freedoms.

Amnesty International documented acts proscribed in the Apartheid Convention and Rome Statute in all the areas Israel controls, although they occur more frequently and violently in the OPT than in Israel. Israeli authorities enact multiple measures to deliberately deny Palestinians their basic rights and freedoms, including draconian movement restrictions in the OPT, chronic discriminatory underinvestment in Palestinian communities in Israel, and the denial of refugees’ right to return. The report also documents forcible transfer, administrative detention, torture, and unlawful killings, in both Israel and the OPT.

Amnesty International found that these acts form part of a systematic and widespread attack directed against the Palestinian population, and are committed with the intent to maintain the system of oppression and domination. They therefore constitute the crime against humanity of apartheid.

The unlawful killing of Palestinian protesters is perhaps the clearest illustration of how Israeli authorities use proscribed acts to maintain the status quo. In 2018, Palestinians in Gaza began to hold weekly protests along the border with Israel, calling for the right of return for refugees and an end to the blockade. Before protests even began, senior Israeli officials warned that Palestinians approaching the wall would be shot. By the end of 2019, Israeli forces had killed 214 civilians, including 46 children.

In light of the systematic unlawful killings of Palestinians documented in its report, Amnesty International is also calling for the UN Security Council to impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Israel. This should cover all weapons and munitions as well as law enforcement equipment, given the thousands of Palestinian civilians who have been unlawfully killed by Israeli forces. The Security Council should also impose targeted sanctions, such as asset freezes, against Israeli officials most implicated in the crime of apartheid.

Palestinians treated as a demographic threat

Since its establishment in 1948, Israel has pursued a policy of establishing and then maintaining a Jewish demographic majority, and maximizing control over land and resources to benefit Jewish Israelis. In 1967, Israel extended this policy to the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Today, all territories controlled by Israel continue to be administered with the purpose of benefiting Jewish Israelis to the detriment of Palestinians, while Palestinian refugees continue to be excluded.

Amnesty International recognizes that Jews, like Palestinians, claim a right to self-determination, and does not challenge Israel’s desire to be a home for Jews. Similarly, it does not consider that Israel labelling itself a “Jewish state” in itself indicates an intention to oppress and dominate.

However, Amnesty International’s report shows that successive Israeli governments have considered Palestinians a demographic threat, and imposed measures to control and decrease their presence and access to land in Israel and the OPT. These demographic aims are well illustrated by official plans to “Judaize” areas of Israel and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, which continue to put thousands of Palestinians at risk of forcible transfer.

Oppression without borders

The 1947-49 and 1967 wars, Israel’s ongoing military rule of the OPT, and the creation of separate legal and administrative regimes within the territory, have separated Palestinian communities and segregated them from Jewish Israelis. Palestinians have been fragmented geographically and politically, and experience different levels of discrimination depending on their status and where they live.

Palestinian citizens in Israel currently enjoy greater rights and freedoms than their counterparts in the OPT, while the experience of Palestinians in Gaza is very different to that of those living in the West Bank. Nonetheless, Amnesty International’s research shows that all Palestinians are subject to the same overarching system. Israel’s treatment of Palestinians across all areas is pursuant to the same objective: to privilege Jewish Israelis in distribution of land and resources, and to minimize the Palestinian presence and access to land.

Amnesty International demonstrates that Israeli authorities treat Palestinians as an inferior racial group who are defined by their non-Jewish, Arab status. This racial discrimination is cemented in laws which affect Palestinians across Israel and the OPT.

For example, Palestinian citizens of Israel are denied a nationality, establishing a legal differentiation from Jewish Israelis. In the West Bank and Gaza, where Israel has controlled the population registry since 1967, Palestinians have no citizenship and most are considered stateless, requiring ID cards from the Israeli military to live and work in the territories.

Palestinian refugees and their descendants, who were displaced in the 1947-49 and 1967 conflicts, continue to be denied the right to return to their former places of residence. Israel’s exclusion of refugees is a flagrant violation of international law which has left millions in a perpetual limbo of forced displacement.

Palestinians in annexed East Jerusalem are granted permanent residence instead of citizenship – though this status is permanent in name only. Since 1967, more than 14,000 Palestinians have had their residency revoked at the discretion of the Ministry of the Interior, resulting in their forcible transfer outside the city.

Lesser citizens

Palestinian citizens of Israel, who comprise about 19% of the population, face many forms of institutionalized discrimination. In 2018, discrimination against Palestinians was crystallized in a constitutional law which, for the first time, enshrined Israel exclusively as the “nation state of the Jewish people”. The law also promotes the building of Jewish settlements and downgrades Arabic’s status as an official language.

The report documents how Palestinians are effectively blocked from leasing on 80% of Israel’s state land, as a result of racist land seizures and a web of discriminatory laws on land allocation, planning and zoning.

The situation in the Negev/Naqab region of southern Israel is a prime example of how Israel’s planning and building policies intentionally exclude Palestinians.  Since 1948 Israeli authorities have adopted various policies to “Judaize” the Negev/Naqab, including designating large areas as nature reserves or military firing zones, and setting targets for increasing the Jewish population. This has had devastating consequences for the tens of thousands of Palestinian Bedouins who live in the region.

Thirty-five Bedouin villages, home to about 68,000 people, are currently “unrecognized” by Israel, which means they are cut off from the national electricity and water supply and targeted for repeated demolitions. As the villages have no official status, their residents also face restrictions on political participation and are excluded from the healthcare and education systems. These conditions have coerced many into leaving their homes and villages, in what amounts to forcible transfer.

Decades of deliberately unequal treatment of Palestinian citizens of Israel have left them consistently economically disadvantaged in comparison to Jewish Israelis. This is exacerbated by blatantly discriminatory allocation of state resources: a recent example is the government’s Covid-19 recovery package, of which just 1.7% was given to Palestinian local authorities.

Dispossession

The dispossession and displacement of Palestinians from their homes is a crucial pillar of Israel’s apartheid system. Since its establishment the Israeli state has enforced massive and cruel land seizures against Palestinians, and continues to implement myriad laws and policies to force Palestinians into small enclaves. Since 1948, Israel has demolished hundreds of thousands of Palestinian homes and other properties across all areas under its jurisdiction and effective control.

As in the Negev/Naqab, Palestinians in East Jerusalem and Area C of the OPT live under full Israeli control. The authorities deny building permits to Palestinians in these areas, forcing them to build illegal structures which are demolished again and again.

In the OPT, the continued expansion of illegal Israeli settlements exacerbates the situation. The construction of these settlements in the OPT has been a government policy since 1967. Settlements today cover 10% of the land in the West Bank, and some 38% of Palestinian land in East Jerusalem was expropriated between 1967 and 2017.

Palestinian neighbourhoods in East Jerusalem are frequently targeted by settler organizations which, with the full backing of the Israeli government, work to displace Palestinian families and hand their homes to settlers. One such neighbourhood, Sheikh Jarrah, has been the site of frequent protests since May 2021 as families battle to keep their homes under the threat of a settler lawsuit.

Draconian movement restrictions

Since the mid-1990s Israeli authorities have imposed increasingly stringent movement restrictions on Palestinians in the OPT. A web of military checkpoints, roadblocks, fences and other structures controls the movement of Palestinians within the OPT, and restricts their travel into Israel or abroad.

A 700km fence, which Israel is still extending, has isolated Palestinian communities inside “military zones”, and they must obtain multiple special permits any time they enter or leave their homes. In Gaza, more than 2 million Palestinians live under an Israeli blockade which has created a humanitarian crisis. It is near-impossible for Gazans to travel abroad or into the rest of the OPT, and they are effectively segregated from the rest of the world.

“The permit system in the OPT is emblematic of Israel’s brazen discrimination against Palestinians. While Palestinians are locked in a blockade, stuck for hours at checkpoints, or waiting for yet another permit to come through, Israeli citizens and settlers can move around as they please.”

Amnesty International examined each of the security justifications which Israel cites as the basis for its treatment of Palestinians. The report shows that, while some of Israel’s policies may have been designed to fulfil legitimate security objectives, they have been implemented in a grossly disproportionate and discriminatory way which fails to comply with international law. Other policies have absolutely no reasonable basis in security, and are clearly shaped by the intent to oppress and dominate.

The way forward

Amnesty International provides numerous specific recommendations for how the Israeli authorities can dismantle the apartheid system and the discrimination, segregation and oppression which sustain it.

The organization is calling for an end to the brutal practice of home demolitions and forced evictions as a first step. Israel must grant equal rights to all Palestinians in Israel and the OPT, in line with principles of international human rights and humanitarian law. It must recognize the right of Palestinian refugees and their descendants to return to homes where they or their families once lived, and provide victims of human rights violations and crimes against humanity with full reparations.

The scale and seriousness of the violations documented in Amnesty International’s report call for a drastic change in the international community’s approach to the human rights crisis in Israel and the OPT.  

All states may exercise universal jurisdiction over persons reasonably suspected of committing the crime of apartheid under international law, and states that are party to the Apartheid Convention have an obligation to do so. 

“Israel must dismantle the apartheid system and start treating Palestinians as human beings with equal rights and dignity. Until it does, peace and security will remain a distant prospect for Israelis and Palestinians alike.”

RAPPORT AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL:

ISRAEL’S APARTHEID AGAINST PALESTINIANS”A CRUEL 

SYSTEM OF DOMINATION AND A CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH

ISRAELI APARTHEID: ”A THRESHOLD CROSSED”

https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/07/19/israeli-apartheid-threshold-crossed

In April, Human Rights Watch released a 213-page report, “A Threshold Crossed,” finding that Israeli authorities are committing the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution. We reached this determination based on our documentation of an overarching government policy to maintain the domination by Jewish Israelis over Palestinians coupled with grave abuses committed against Palestinians living in the occupied territory, including East Jerusalem

In the months since, a growing chorus of voices, from former Israeli ambassadors to South Africa and current Knesset members to the ex-UN Secretary General and the French foreign minister, have referenced apartheid in relation to Israel’s discriminatory treatment of Palestinians, in particular in the occupied territory. Yet many in Germany, including those critical of Israeli human rights abuses, remain hesitant to apply the label to Israeli conduct.

Given history, one can certainly understand Germany’s concern for the welfare of the Jewish people, but that should not carry over to an endorsement of abusive and discriminatory Israeli government conduct, especially in the occupied territory. As recognition grows that these crimes are being committed, the failure to recognize that reality requires burying your head deeper and deeper into the sand.

The problem begins with the Israeli government having exercised primary control for more than a half-century over the land between the Mediterranean Sea and Jordan River, encompassing Israel and the occupied territory, where two main groups of people of roughly equal size live. Throughout this area, Israeli authorities methodologically privilege one of the groups, Jewish Israelis, who are governed under the same body of laws with the same rights and privileges wherever they live. At the same time, authorities allocate different baskets of inferior rights to the other, Palestinians, systematically discriminating against them wherever they live and most severely in the occupied territory.

Our sense that our research was not capturing this underlying reality led us to write this report. Reporting on “separate, not equal” schools for Palestinians inside Israel, Palestinians being forced out of their homes in occupied East Jerusalem, the serious rights abuses stemming from the Israeli settlement enterprise in the West Bank, and the crushing closure of the Gaza Strip, we felt that our work captured important dynamics, including entrenched discrimination, in particular areas, but did not capture the full scope of Israel’s discriminatory rule over Palestinians.

We set out in the report to evaluate Israel’s treatment of Palestinians across Israel and the occupied territory. As we do in the nearly 100 countries across the world we work in, we began by documenting the facts—drawing on years of our own research, case studies that compared Palestinian areas with predominantly or exclusively Jewish ones, and a review of government planning documents, statements by officials, and a range of other materials.

Across Israel and the occupied territory, Human Rights Watch found that Israeli authorities have pursued an intent to privilege Jewish Israelis at the expense of Palestinians. They have done so by undertaking policies aimed at mitigating what they openly describe as the “demographic threat” Palestinians pose and maximizing the land available for Jewish communities, while concentrating most Palestinian in dense enclaves. The policy takes different forms and is pursued in a particularly severe form in the occupied territory. It includes efforts to, as leading Israelis officials have put it, “Judaize” the Negev and Galilee regions of Israel and to maintain “a solid Jewish majority,” as described in government planning documents, in the Jerusalem municipality, which includes the eastern part of Jerusalem, which Israel unilaterally annexed and occupies. It also encompasses efforts to “settle [Jews in] the land between the [Palestinian] minority population centers and their surroundings” in the West Bank, as set out in plans that have guided the government’s settlement, and to pursue “separation” between the West Bank and Gaza. The policy across the board serves the same fundamental goal: maximum land, minimum Palestinians. 

Furthermore, we found that Israeli authorities have carried out the grave abuses needed for the crimes of apartheid and persecution against Palestinians living in the occupied territory. It has done so through, among other policies, sweeping restrictions on movement in the form of the 14-year generalized closure of Gaza and the discriminatory permit system in the West Bank; the confiscation of more than a third of the land in the West Bank; and denial of residency rights to hundreds of thousands of Palestinians and their relatives. Israel has imposed draconian military rule over millions of Palestinians, suspending their basic civil rights, while Jewish Israelis living in the same territory are governed under the permissive Israeli civil law; and imposed harsh conditions in parts of the West Bank that led to forcing thousands of Palestinians out of their homes.

We then evaluated these facts against the relevant areas of international law—in this case, the established law on discrimination—which includes a universal prohibition against apartheid. While the term was coined in relation to specific practices in South Africa, international treaties define apartheid as a universal legal term referring to a particularly severe form of discriminatory oppression.

International criminal law, including the 1973 International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid and the 1998 Rome Statute to the International Criminal Court, define apartheid as a crime against humanity consisting of three primary elements: (1) an intent by one racial group to dominate another; (2) systematic oppression by the dominant group over the marginalized group; and (3) particularly grave abuses known as inhumane acts.

Racial group is understood today also to encompass treatment on the basis of descent and national or ethnic origin. International criminal law also identifies a related crime against humanity of persecution. Under the Rome Statute and customary international law, persecution consists of severe deprivation of fundamental rights of a racial, ethnic, or other group with discriminatory intent.

The ratification by the State of Palestine of these two treaties in recent years has strengthened the legal application of these two crimes in its territory. A ruling by a chamber of the International Criminal Court (ICC) earlier this year confirmed that it has jurisdiction over war crimes and crimes against humanity – including apartheid and persecution – committed in the Occupied Palestinian Territory since 2014.

Applying the facts to the laws, Human Rights Watch concluded that Israeli authorities are committing the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution. We found that the elements of the crimes come together in the occupied territory as part of a single Israeli government policy. That policy is to maintain the domination by Jewish Israelis over Palestinians across Israel and the occupied territory. It is coupled in the occupied territory with systematic oppression and inhumane acts against Palestinians living there.

Sometimes the most important thing someone who cares deeply about you can do is to share hard truths and push you to confront them. The late Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and leaders of Israel’s closest ally, the US, including former President Jimmy Carter and former Secretary of State John Kerry, warned of the prospect of apartheid if things did not change.

Today, apartheid is not a hypothetical or future scenario. A 54-year-occupation is not temporary. The threshold has been crossed. Apartheid, and parallel persecution, is the reality for millions of Palestinians. Recognizing and correctly diagnosing a problem is the first step to solving it and ending apartheid is vital to the future of both Palestinians and Israelis and the cause of peace. It is by extension Germany’s special relationship with Israel and history that should prompt them to recognize the reality of apartheid and persecution and bring to bear the sorts of tools needed to end these crimes against humanity.

EINDE BERICHT HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH

RAPPORT HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH

A TRESHOLD CROSSED

27 APRIL 2021

https://www.hrw.org/report/2021/04/27/threshold-crossed/israeli-authorities-and-crimes-apartheid-and-persecution

ZIE OOK

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International Court of Justice/Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v Israel)/26 january 2024

home

The International Court of Justice, which has its seat in The Hague,
is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations

INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE

APPLICATION OF THE CONVENTION ON THE PREVENTION AND

PUNISHMENT OF THE CRIME OF GENOCIDE IN THE GAZA STRIP 

(SOUTH AFRICA V. ISRAEL)

https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/192/192-20240126-pre-01-00-en.pdf

INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE  

Peace Palace, Carnegieplein 2, 2517 KJ The Hague, Netherlands  

  Tel.: +31 (0)70 302 2323 Fax: +31 (0)70 364 9928

Press Release 

Unofficial   

No. 2024/6 

26 January 2024 

Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime 

of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel) 

The Court indicates provisional measures 

THE HAGUE, 26 January 2024. The International Court of Justice today delivered its Order  

  on the Request for the indication of provisional measures submitted by South Africa in the case

concerning Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of 

Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel)  

  It is recalled that, on 29 December 2023, South Africa filed an Application instituting proceedings against Israel concerning alleged violations by Israel of its obligations under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (the “Genocide Convention”) in relation to Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.

 In its Application, South Africa also requested the Court to indicate provisional measures in order to “protect against further, severe and irreparable harm to the rights of the Palestinian people under the Genocide Convention” and “to ensure Israel’s compliance with its obligations under the Genocide Convention not to engage in genocide, and to prevent and to punish genocide” (see press release No. 2023/77).   

  Public hearings on South Africa’s request for provisional measures were held on Thursday 11 and Friday 12 January 2024.

In its Order, which has binding effect, the Court indicates the following provisional measures: 

“(1) By fifteen votes to two, 

The State of Israel shall, in accordance with its obligations under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, in relation to Palestinians in Gaza, take all measures within its power to prevent the commission of all acts within the scope of Article II of this Convention, in particular: 

(a) killing members of the group; 

(b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; 

(c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; and 

PAGE 2

  – 2 – 

(d) imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;  

IN FAVOUR: 

President Donoghue; Vice-President Gevorgian; Judges Tomka, Abraham, Bennouna, Yusuf, Xue, Bhandari, Robinson, Salam, Iwasawa, Nolte,

 Charlesworth, Brant; Judge ad hoc Moseneke;   

AGAINST: 

Judge Sebutinde; Judge ad hoc Barak;  

  (2) By fifteen votes to two,

The State of Israel shall ensure with immediate effect that its military does not commit any acts described in point 1 above; 

IN FAVOUR: 

President Donoghue; Vice-President Gevorgian; Judges Tomka, Abraham, Bennouna, Yusuf, Xue, Bhandari, Robinson, Salam, Iwasawa, Nolte, Charlesworth, Brant; Judge ad hoc Moseneke;    

  AGAINST: 

Judge Sebutinde; Judge ad hoc Barak;  

(3) By sixteen votes to one 

The State of Israel shall take all measures within its power to prevent and punish the direct and public incitement to commit genocide in relation to members of the Palestinian group in the Gaza Strip; 

 IN FAVOUR:

 President Donoghue; Vice-President Gevorgian; Judges Tomka, Abraham, Bennouna, Yusuf, Xue, Bhandari, Robinson, Salam, Iwasawa, Nolte, Charlesworth, Brant; Judges ad hoc Barak, Moseneke;

 AGAINST: 

Judge Sebutinde;  

  (4) By sixteen votes to one,

The State of Israel shall take immediate and effective measures to enable the provision of urgently needed basic services and humanitarian assistance to address the adverse conditions of life faced by Palestinians in the Gaza Strip; 

IN FAVOUR: 

President Donoghue; Vice-President Gevorgian; Judges Tomka, Abraham, Bennouna, Yusuf, Xue, Bhandari, Robinson, Salam, Iwasawa, Nolte, Charlesworth, Brant; Judges ad hoc Barak, Moseneke;    

 AGAINST: 

Judge Sebutinde;  

  (5) By fifteen votes to two,

The State of Israel shall take effective measures to prevent the destruction and ensure the preservation of evidence related to allegations of acts within the scope of Article II and Article III of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide against members of the Palestinian group in the Gaza Strip; 

IN FAVOUR: 

President Donoghue; Vice-President Gevorgian; Judges Tomka, Abraham, Bennouna, Yusuf, Xue, Bhandari, Robinson, Salam, Iwasawa, Nolte, Charlesworth, Brant; Judge ad hoc Moseneke;    

 AGAINST: 

Judge Sebutinde; Judge ad hoc Barak;  

PAGE 3

  3 

(6) By fifteen votes to two,  

  The State of Israel shall submit a report to the Court on all measures taken to give effect to this Order within one month as from the date of this Order.

IN FAVOUR: 

President Donoghue; Vice-President Gevorgian; Judges Tomka, Abraham, Bennouna, Yusuf, Xue, Bhandari, Robinson, Salam, Iwasawa, Nolte, Charlesworth, Brant; Judge ad hoc Moseneke;   

AGAINST: 

Judge Sebutinde; Judge ad hoc Barak.”  

  *  

Judge XUE appends a declaration to the Order of the Court; 

Judge SEBUTINDE appends a dissenting opinion to the Order of the Court; Judges BHANDARI and NOLTE append declarations to the Order of the Court; Judge ad hoc BARAK appends a separate opinion to the Order of the Court  

   ___________

 A summary of the Order appears in the document entitled “Summary 2024/1”, to which summaries of the declarations and opinions are annexed.  

 This summary and the full text of the Order are available on the case page on the Court’s website.  

  ___________

Earlier press releases relating to this case are available on the Court’s website. 

Note: The Court’s press releases are prepared by its Registry for information purposes only and do not constitute official documents.     

  ___________

The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations. 

It was established by the United Nations Charter in June 1945 and began its activities in April 1946 

The Court is composed of 15 judges elected for a nine-year term by the General Assembly and the Security Council of the United Nations. 

The seat of the Court is at the Peace Palace in The Hague (Netherlands). 

The Court has a twofold role: first, to settle, in accordance with international law, legal disputes submitted to it by States; 

and, second, to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred to it by duly authorized United Nations organs and agencies of the system 

___________          

PAGE 4

  4 

  Information Department:

Ms Monique Legerman, First Secretary of the Court, Head of Department: +31 (0)70 302 2336 

Ms Joanne Moore, Information Officer: +31 (0)70 302 2337 

Mr Avo Sevag Garabet, Associate Information Officer: +31 (0)70 302 2394 

Email: info@icj-cij.org

Reacties uitgeschakeld voor International Court of Justice/Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v Israel)/26 january 2024

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Het Geheim van Succes

ocean waves under orange sky during sunset

HET GEHEIM VAN SUCCES

Dit Prachtige Gedicht wllde ik met jullie delen

ASTRID ESSED

GEDICHT:

Als je denkt: ”ik ben verslagen”

Is de nederlaag een feit

Als je denkt: ”k zal niet versagen”

win je op den duur de Strijd

Als je denkt: ”ik kan het niet halen”

is de tegenslag op til

Want het Overslaan der Schalen

hangt voornamelijk af van Wil

Moedelozen gaan ten onder’

door hun twijfel, door hun vrees

Vechters winnen door een Wonder’

telkens weer de zwaarste race

Denk: ”Ik KAN het en dan GAAT het

Iedereen vindt bij wilskracht baat

En in zaken wint de daad het

van het nutteloos gepraat

Als je jammert: ”ik ben zwakker

dan mijn grote concurrent

Blijf je levenslang de stakker

die je ongetwijfeld bent

Niet de Goliaths en de Rijken

tellen in de kamp voor zes

Maar de Fermen, die niet Wijken

Hebben vroeg of laat Succes

EINDE

Reacties uitgeschakeld voor Het Geheim van Succes

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REACTIE ASTRID ESSED OP QUORA/LAAT JE NIET BEDOTTEN/EEN FASCISTENKABINET IS EEN GEVAARLIJKE GRAP

Geert Wilders woensdagavond op de partijbijeenkomst van de PVV in Scheveningen.  Beeld  Daniel Rosenthal /de VolkskrantGeert Wilders woensdagavond op de partijbijeenkomst van de PVV in Scheveningen.

Beeld Daniel Rosenthal /de VolkskrantGeert Wilders stunned by his PVV's impressive victory in the 2023 General Election. 22 November 2023

Geert Wilders stunned by his PVV’s impressive victory in the 2023 General Election. 22 November 2023 – Credit: Geert Wilders/PVV / Twitter – License: All Rights Reserved

REACTIE ASTRID ESSED OP QUORA/LAAT JE NIET BEDOTTEN/EEM FASCISTENKABINET IS EEN GEVAARLIJKE GRAP

Dit naar aanleiding van een Quora Post van Fedor van Eldijk,

die zich afvroeg of een ”kabinet Wilders” niet een optie

zou zijn

Overigens WEL met ironie, want hij schrijft in zijn Eindzinnen

”Wie weet lost ie wel eindelijk de problemen in de zorg, op straat en in de huisvesting op – dan zijn we er echt wat mee opgeschoten, hoewel ik die kans erg klein acht. Veel waarschijnlijker is het dat ie er niks van bakt, allemaal minkukels in het kabinet zet en binnen een paar maanden met knallende ruzie de boel opblaast.

Dat zou ook mooi zijn, dan is het voor iedereen duidelijk dat dit ook niet werkt en dan zijn we eindelijk af van al die mafketels in de extreem rechtse hoek.”

Zie eerst Fedor van Eldijk

Daaronder mijn reactie

ASTRID ESSEDhttps://nl.quora.com/

https://nl.quora.com/Komt-er-een-kabinet-Wilders-1

I

FELDOR VAN ELDIJK:

Profielfoto voor Fedor van Eldijk

Fedor van Eldijk · 

Volgen

Woont in: Amsterdam (1996–heden)29 nov

Komt er een kabinet Wilders-1?

Ik denk dat dat goed zou zijn, ik vrees dat we daar even doorheen moeten met z’n allen. En ik denk eerlijk gezegd dat het alleen maar goed uit kan pakken voor Nederland.

We hoeven niet heel bang te zijn dat hij een Nexit voor elkaar krijgt, daarvoor is zowel parlementair als maatschappelijk onvoldoende draagvlak te vinden. Hij zal mogelijk de immigratie terugdringen, maar we zullen onze internationale verplichtingen als het gaat om het opvangen van asielzoekers moeten nakomen. En ook Europese arbeidsmigranten gaat ie niet tegenhouden, en dat is maar goed ook voor zijn aarbeien- en aspergeminnende aanhang.

Wie weet lost ie wel eindelijk de problemen in de zorg, op straat en in de huisvesting op – dan zijn we er echt wat mee opgeschoten, hoewel ik die kans erg klein acht. Veel waarschijnlijker is het dat ie er niks van bakt, allemaal minkukels in het kabinet zet en binnen een paar maanden met knallende ruzie de boel opblaast.

Dat zou ook mooi zijn, dan is het voor iedereen duidelijk dat dit ook niet werkt en dan zijn we eindelijk af van al die mafketels in de extreem rechtse hoek.

55,2K weergaven

142 upvotes weergeven

6 deelacties weergeven

Antwoord opgevraagd door 

Jasper De Jong en 

Gregory Manberg

II

ASTRID ESSED

Astrid Essed · Zojuist

LAAT JE NIET BEDOTTEN/EEM FASCISTENKABINET IS EEN GEVAARLIJKE GRAP

In tegenstelling tot de heer Fedor van Eldijk, denk ik, dat het NIET goed is,

als er een kabinet Wilders zou komen.

LET OP!

Vanaf de oprichting van de PVV [2006] heeft Wilders/PVV zich gespecialiseerd

in haatzaaien tegen niet-westerse allochtonen, de Islam, moslims,

Marokkanen, niet-witte mensen en vluchtelingen.

Natuurlijk, Rotte Appels zijn er overal, maar wat hij en zijn partij deden,

is genoemde groepen als COLLECTIEF te criminaliseren.

Dat heet: Racisme

http://hrlibrary.umn.edu/

instree/d1cerd.htm

Zie ook over Wilders

https://www.astridessed.nl/

2007a-tsunami-of-racismthe-

political-views-of-mr-wilders/

EN OVER HAATZAAIEN TEGEN VLUCHTELINGEN

https://www.astridessed.nl/

wilders-spreekt-over-

omvolking-vluchtelingen-als-

hyenas-en-achterlijke-

islamitische-zandbaklanden/

ANNE FRANK STICHTING/EXTREEM-RECHTS

Met zijn zondeboktheorieen en zijn Law en Order gedachtegoed

is Wilders als extreem-rechts te karakteriseren

Kijk maar, wat de Anne Frank Stichting daarover heeft gemeld

https://www.astridessed.nl/

anne-frank-stichting-wilders-

extreem-rechts-tekst-van-de-

gehele-rapportage/

Lees ook, wat de diverse bronnen [IK dus niet!] melden over

het fascistische karakter van de PVV

https://www.astridessed.nl/

het-fascistische-karakter-van-

de-pvv-bronnen-onderzoeken/

WILDERS’ DROOM VOOR WIT NEDERLAND

En dan zijn er mensen, die denken, dat Wilders wel goed zou

zijn voor de autochton, witte Nederlanders?

Vergeet het maar

Wie net aan de verkeerde kant zit [andere mening, ”asociaal”

en ga zo maar door], krijgt met Geert Wilders te maken en niet

op een leuke manier

Dan mag je zo wit zijn als sneeuw, dat zal je niet helpen

LEES MAAR, ik heb het eens uitgezocht

https://www.astridessed.nl/

wilders-heilstaat-voor-wit-

nederland-paradijs-op-aarde/

VERDEEL EN HEERS

Het naarste van dit Heerschap is misschien wel, dat hij groepen tegen

elkaar uitspeelt:

Autochtone Nederlanders tegen ”die anderen” [Nederlanders met een

”migratieachtergrond]

Vluchtelingen tegen mensen, die hier legaal verblijven

Want de woningnood is NIET de schuld van de vluchtelingen

Lang voordat de eerste vluchteling hier kwam, WAS er al woningnood,

daterend van na WO II

Lang voordat de eerste Marokkaan hier kwam, WAS er al criminaliteit

En ga zo maar door

TRAP ER NIET IN!

Wilders gaat de problemen NIET voor Nederland oplossen, maar mensen

verder bang maken voor een Tsunami aan vluchtelingen, die niet bestaat

LEES DIT, ALS JE MIJ NIET GELOOFT

https://www.rodekruis.nl/wat-

doen-wij/hulp-wereldwijd/

migratie/#:~:text=Volgens%

20cijfers%20van%20de%

20Verenigde,opgevangen%20(

bron%3A%20UNHCR).

https://www.unhcr.org/nl/wie-

we-zijn/cijfers/

JUIST:

De meeste vluchtelingen blijven in de regio en komen helemaal

niet naar Europa!

MILDERS?/VERGEET HET MAAR

Wilders claimt nu, premier voor alle Nederlanders te willen zijn

Meent hij niets van

Het is een truc, omdat hij [begrijpelijkerwijs na de monsterzege

van de PVV] graag wil regeren

Luister in dezen naar wat Frans Timmermans daarover heeft opgemerkt

Ik citeer:

”U doet mij echt denken aan, ik weet…ik zal een klassieker noemen

eh eh Nemo…[Wilders tussendoor ”ja”] in Nemo komt eh Bruce voor

en Bruce is een Grote Witte Haai, die eh heeft afgesproken met zichzelf,

ik ben nu vegetarier, ik eet geen vis meer.

Totdat hij bloed ruikt en dan wordt hij weer de Haai zoals hij altijd is geweest.”

https://www.astridessed.nl/de-

milde-wilders-timmermans-

confronteert-wilders-u-doet-

mij-denken-aan-de-haai-bruce-

uit-finding-nemo/

Ik zou lering trekken uit wat deze ervaren politicus zegt en je maar’

eens goed afvragen, of de oplossingen van Wilders werken.

Alle allochtonen eruit?

Kijk dan eens wat er met de Nederlandse economie gebeurt

om maar een voorbeeld te noemen

”Preventief fouilleren door het hele land”

Ik denk niet, dat je daar vriend van bent

Zie ook

https://www.uitpers.be/geert-

wilders-het-grote-gevaar/

En bedenk ook:

ALS WILDERS EENMAAL EEN KEER PREMIER GEWEEST IS,

IS HET EEN AFGLIJDENDE SCHAAL

Het Fascisme is dan in Nederland genormaliseerd

ASTRID ESSED

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Article by Ilan Pappe, published in Journal of Palestine Studies, 2006/The 1948 Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine

https://www.palestineremembered.com/Jaffa/Jaffa/Picture1253.html

https://www.palestineremembered.com/Jaffa/Jaffa/index.html
Palestinian women and children driven from their homes by Israeli forces, 1948.

PALESTIJNSE VLUCHTELINGEN, ETNISCH GEZUIVERD DOOR

ZIONISTISCHE TROEPEN [1948]

https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/olj/jps/vol36-141/vol36-141_b.pdf
https://ifamericansknew.org/history/

WIKIPEDIA

ILAN PAPPE

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ilan_Papp%C3%A9

ARTICLE FROM ILAN PAPPE, PUBLISHED IN JOURNAL OF

PALESTINE STUDIES, 2006: THE 1948 ETHNIC CLEANSING OF PALESTINE

INSTITUTE FOR PALESTINE STUDIES/JOURNALS

THE1948  ETHNIC CLEANSING OF PALESTINE

BY ILAN PAPPE

PUBLISHED IN FALL 2006

https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/olj/jps/vol36-141/vol36-141_b.pdf

  The 1948 Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine by Ilan Pappé This article, excerpted and adapted from the early chapters of a new book, emphasizes the systematic preparations that laid the ground for the expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians from what became Israel in 1948. 

While sketching the context and diplomatic and political developments of the period, the article highlights in particular a multi-year “Village Files” project (1940–47) involving the systematic compilation of maps and intelligence for each Arab village and the elaboration—under the direction of an inner “caucus” of fewer than a dozen men led by David Ben-Gurion—of a series of military plans culminating in Plan Dalet, according to which the 1948 war was fought. 

The article ends with a statement of one of the author’s underlying goals in writing the book: to make the case for a paradigm of ethnic cleansing to replace the paradigm of war as the basis for the scholarly research of, and the public debate about, 1948  

 ILAN PAPPÉ, an Israeli historian and professor of political science at Haifa University, is the author of a number of books, including The Making of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1947–1951 (I. B. Tauris, 1994) and A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples (Cambridge University Press, 2004). 

The current article is extracted from early chapters of his latest book, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oneworld Publications, Oxford, England, forthcoming in October 2006).  

THE 1948 ETHNIC CLEANSING OF PALESTINE ILAN PAPPÉ

  This article, excerpted and adapted from the early chapters of a new book, emphasizes the systematic preparations that laid the ground for the expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians from what became Israel in 1948.

While sketching the context and diplomatic and political developments of the period, the article highlights in particular a multi-year “Village Files” project (1940–47) involving the systematic compilation of maps and intelligence for each Arab village and the elaboration—under the direction of an inner “caucus” of fewer than a dozen men led by David Ben-Gurion—of a series of military plans culminating in Plan Dalet, according to which the 1948 war was fought. 

. The article ends with a statement of one of the author’s underlying goals in writing the book: to make the case for a paradigm of ethnic cleansing to replace the paradigm of war as the basis for the scholarly research of, and the public debate about, 1948. 

  ON A COLD WEDNESDAY AFTERNOON, 10 March 1948, a group of eleven men, veteran Zionist leaders together with young military Jewish officers, put the final touches on a plan for the ethnic cleansing of Palestine1.

 That same evening, military orders were dispatched to 

http://www.palestine-studies.org/final/en/journals/printer.php?aid=7175 (1 of 17) [4/10/2007 3:52:56 PM]

PAGE 2

units on the ground to prepare for the systematic expulsion of Palestinians from vast areas of the country 2. 

The orders came with a detailed description of the methods to be used to forcibly evict the people: large-scale intimidation; laying siege to and bombarding villages and population centers; setting fire to homes, properties, and goods; expelling residents; demolishing homes; and, finally, planting mines in the rubble to prevent the expelled inhabitants from returning.  

Each unit was issued its own list of villages and neighborhoods to target in keeping with the master plan. 

Code-named Plan D (Dalet in Hebrew), this was the fourth and final version of vaguer plans outlining the fate that was in store for the native population of Palestine 3  

The previous three plans had articulated only obscurely how the Zionist leadership intended to deal with the presence of so many Palestinians on the land the Jewish national movement wanted for itself. 

This fourth and last blueprint spelled it out clearly and unambiguously: the Palestinians had to go  

  The plan, which covered both the rural and urban areas of Palestine, was the inevitable result both of Zionism’s ideological drive for an exclusively Jewish presence in Palestine and a response to developments on the ground following the British decision in February 1947 to end its Mandate over the country and turn the problem over to the United Nations

Clashes with local Palestinian militias, especially after the UN partition resolution of November 1947, provided the perfect context and pretext for implementing the ideological vision of an ethnically cleansed Palestine. 

Once the plan was finalized, it took six months to complete the mission. When it was over, more than half of Palestine’s native population, over 750,000 people, had been uprooted, 531 villages had been destroyed, and 11 urban neighborhoods had been emptied of their inhabitants. 

The plan decided upon on 10 March 1948, and above all its systematic implementation in the following months, was a clear case of what is now known as an ethnic cleansing operation.     

DEFINING ETHNIC CLEANSING  

  Ethnic cleansing today is designated by international law as a crime against humanity, and those who perpetrate it are subject to adjudication: a special international tribunal has been set up in The Hague to prosecute those accused of ethnic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia, and a similar court was established in Arusha, Tanzania, to deal with the Rwanda case.

The roots of ethnic cleansing are ancient, to be sure, and it has been practiced from biblical times to the modern age, including at the height of colonialism and in World War II by the Nazis and their allies 

. But it was especially the events in the former Yugoslavia that gave rise to efforts to define the concept and that continue to serve as the prototype of ethnic cleansing. For example, in its special report on ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, the U.S. State Department defines the term as “the systematic and forced removal of the members of an ethnic group from communities in order to change the ethnic composition of a given region.” 

The report goes on to document numerous cases, including the depopulation within twenty-four hours of the western Kosovar town of Pec in spring 1999, which could 

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only have been achieved through advanced planning followed by systematic execution.4

  Earlier, a congressional report prepared in August 1992 for the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee had described the “process of population transfers aimed at removing the nonSerbian population from large areas of Bosnia-Hercegovina,” noting that the campaign had “substantially achieved its goals: an exclusively Serb-inhabited region . . . created by forcibly expelling the Muslim populations that had been the overwhelming majority.”

” According to this report, the two main elements of ethnic cleansing are, first, “the deliberate use of artillery and snipers against the civilian populations of the big cities,” and second, “the forced movement of civilian populations [entailing] the systematic destruction of homes, the looting of personal property, beatings, selective and random killings, and massacres.”5 

Similar descriptions are found in the UN Council for Human Rights (UNCHR) report of 1993, which was prepared in follow-up to a UN Security Council Resolution of April 1993 that reaffirmed “its condemnation of all violations of international humanitarian law, in particular the practice of ‘ethnic cleansing.’” 

Showing how a state’s desire to impose a single ethnic rule on a mixed area links up to acts of expulsion and violence, the report describes the unfolding ethnic cleansing process where men are separated from women and detained, where resistance leads to massacres, and where villages are blown up, with the remaining houses subsequently repopulated with another ethnic group.6     

  In addition to the United States and the UN, academics, too, have used the former Yugoslavia as the starting point for their studies of the phenomenon.

Drazen Petrovic has published one of the most comprehensive studies of ethnic cleansing, which he describes as “a well-defined policy of a particular group of persons to systematically eliminate another group from a given territory on the basis of religious, ethnic or national origin. 

Such a policy involves violence and is very often connected with military operations.”7 Petrovic associates ethnic cleansing with nationalism, the creation of new nation-states, and national struggle, noting the close connection between politicians and the army in the perpetration of the crime: the political leadership delegates the implementation of the ethnic cleansing to the military level, and although it does not furnish systematic plans or provide explicit instructions, there is no doubt as to the overall objective    

  These descriptions almost exactly mirror what happened in Palestine in 1948: Plan D constitutes a veritable repertoire of the cleansing methods described in the various reports on Yugoslavia, setting the background for the massacres that accompanied the expulsions.

 Indeed, it seems to me that had we never heard about the events in the former Yugoslavia of the 1990s and were aware only of the Palestine case, we would be forgiven for thinking that the Nakba had been the inspiration for the descriptions and definitions above, almost to the last detail.   

  Yet when it comes to the dispossession by Israel of the Palestinians in 1948, there is a deep chasm between the reality and the representation.

This is most bewildering, and it is difficult to understand how events perpetrated in modern times and witnessed by foreign reporters and UN observers could be systematically denied, not even recognized as historical fact, let 

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alone acknowledged as a crime that needs to be confronted, politically as well as morally. 

Nonetheless, there is no doubt that the ethnic cleansing of 1948, the most formative event in the modern history of the land of Palestine, has been almost entirely eradicated from the collective global memory and erased from the world’s conscience.     

SETTING THE STAGE

  When even a measure of Israeli responsibility for the disappearance of half the Arab population of Palestine is acknowledged (the official government version continues to reject any responsibility whatsoever, insisting that the local population left “voluntarily”), the standard explanation is that their flight was an unfortunate but unavoidable by-product of war.

But what happened in Palestine was by no means an unintended consequence, a fortuitous occurrence, or even a “miracle,” as Israel’s first president Chaim Weitzmann later proclaimed 

Rather, it was the result of long and meticulous planning.     

The potential for a future Jewish takeover of the country and the expulsion of the indigenous Palestinian people had been present in the writings of the founding fathers of Zionism, as scholars later discovered

  . But it was not until the late 1930s, two decades after Britain’s 1917 promise to turn Palestine into a national home for the Jews (a pledge that became enshrined in Britain’s Mandate over Palestine in 1923), that Zionist leaders began to translate their abstract vision of Jewish exclusivity into more concrete plans

New vistas were opened in 1937 when the British Royal Peel Commission8 recommended partitioning Palestine into two states. 

Though the territory earmarked for the Jewish state fell far short of Zionist ambitions, the leadership responded favorably, aware of the signal importance of official recognition of the principle of Jewish statehood on even part of Palestine. 

Several years later, in 1942, a more maximalist strategy was adopted when the Zionist leader David Ben-Gurion, in a meeting at the Biltmore Hotel in New York, put demands on the table for a Jewish commonwealth over the whole of Mandatory Palestine.9 

Thus, the geographical space coveted by the movement changed according to circumstances and opportunities, but the principal objective remained the same: the creation in Palestine of a purely Jewish state, both as a safe haven for Jews and as the cradle of a new Jewish nationalism 

And this state had to be exclusively Jewish not only in its sociopolitical structure but also in its ethnic composition. 

That the top leaders were well aware of the implications of this exclusivity was clear in their internal debates, diaries, and private correspondence. Ben-Gurion, for example, wrote in a letter to his son in 1937, “The Arabs will have to go, but one needs an opportune moment for making it happen, such as a war.”10 

Unlike most of his colleagues in the Zionist leadership, who still hoped that by purchasing a piece of land here and a few houses there they would be able to realize their objective on the ground, Ben-Gurion had long understood that this would never be enough. 

He recognized early on that the Jewish state could be won only by force but that it was necessary to bide one’s time until the opportune moment arrived for dealing militarily with the demographic reality on the ground: the          

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presence of a non-Jewish native majority. 

The Zionist movement, led by Ben-Gurion, wasted no time in preparing for the eventuality of taking the land by force if it were not granted through diplomacy. 

These preparations included the building of an efficient military organization and the search for more ample financial resources (for which they tapped into the Jewish Diaspora). 

In many ways, the creation of an embryonic diplomatic corps was also an integral part of the same general preparations aimed at creating by force a state in Palestine. 

The principal paramilitary organization of the Jewish community in Palestine had been established in 1920 primarily to defend the Jewish colonies being implanted among Palestinian villages. 

Sympathetic British officers, however, helped transform it into the military force that eventually was able to implement plans for the Zionist military takeover of Palestine and the ethnic cleansing of its native population.       

 One officer in particular, Orde Wingate, was responsible for this transformation.

  It was he who made the Zionist leaders realize more fully that the idea of Jewish statehood had to be closely associated with militarism and an army, not only to protect the growing number of Jewish colonies inside Palestine but also—more crucially—because acts of armed aggression were an effective deterrent against possible resistance by local Palestinians.

Assigned to Palestine in 1936, Wingate also succeeded in attaching Haganah troops to the British forces during the Arab Revolt (1936–39), enabling the Jews to practice the attack tactics he had taught them in rural areas and to learn even more effectively what a “punitive mission” to an Arab village ought to entail. 

The Haganah also gained valuable military experience in World War II, when quite a few of its members volunteered for the British war effort. 

Others who remained behind in Palestine, meanwhile, continued to monitor and infiltrate the 1,200 or so Palestinian villages that had dotted the countryside for hundreds of years.     

THE VILLAGE FILES

  Attacking Arab villages and carrying out punitive raids gave Zionists experience, but it was not enough; systematic planning was called for. In 1940, a young bespectacled Hebrew University historian named Ben-Zion Luria, then employed by the educational department of the Jewish Agency, the Zionist governing body in Palestine, made an important suggestion.

He pointed out how useful it would be to have a detailed registry of all Arab villages and proposed that the Jewish National Fund (JNF) conduct such an inventory. 

“This would greatly help the redemption of the land,” he wrote to the JNF.11 

He could not have chosen a better address: the way his initiative involved the JNF in the prospective ethnic cleansing was to generate added impetus and zeal to the expulsion plans that followed. 

Founded in 1901 at the fifth Zionist Congress, the JNF was the Zionists’ principal tool for the colonization of Palestine. 

. This was the agency the Zionist movement used to buy Palestinian land on which it then settled Jewish immigrants and that spearheaded the Zionization of Palestine throughout the Mandatory years. 

From the outset, it was designed to become the 

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“custodian” on behalf of the Jewish people of the land acquired by the Zionists in Palestine. The JNF maintained this role after Israel’s creation, with other missions being added to this primordial task over time.12 

Despite the JNF’s best efforts, its success in land acquisition fell far short of its goals. Available financial resources were limited, Palestinian resistance was fierce, and British policies had become restrictive. 

. The result was that by the end of the Mandate in 1948 the Zionist movement had been able to purchase no more than 5.8 percent of the land in Palestine.13 

This is why Yossef Weitz, the head of the JNF settlement department and the quintessential Zionist colonialist, waxed lyrical when he heard about Luria’s village files, immediately suggesting that they be turned into a “national project.”14              

 All involved became fervent supporters of the idea.

Yitzhak Ben-Zvi, a historian and prominent member of the Zionist leadership (later to become Israel’s second president), wrote to Moshe Shertock (Sharett), the head of the political department of the Jewish Agency (and later Israel’s prime minister), that apart from topographically recording the layout of the villages, the project should also include exposing the “Hebraic origins” of each village. 

Furthermore, it was important for the Haganah to know which of the villages were relatively new, as some of them had been built “only” during the Egyptian occupation of Palestine in the 1830s.15  

But the main endeavor was mapping the villages, and to that end a Hebrew University topographer working in the Mandatory government’s cartography department was recruited to the enterprise.

He suggested preparing focal aerial maps and proudly showed Ben-Gurion two such maps for the villages of Sindyana and Sabarin. (These maps, now in the Israeli State Archives, are all that remains of these villages after 1948.)

The best professional photographers in the country were also invited to join the initiative. 

Yitzhak Shefer, from Tel Aviv, and Margot Sadeh, the wife of Yitzhak Sadeh, the chief of the Palmah (the commando units of the Haganah), were recruited as well.

The film laboratory operated in Margot’s house with an irrigation company serving as a front: the lab had to be hidden from the British authorities who could have regarded it as an illegal intelligence effort directed against them. 

Though the British were aware of the project, they never succeeded in locating the secret hideout.

In 1947, this whole cartographic department was moved to the Haganah headquarters in Tel Aviv.16   

The end result of the combined topographic and Orientalist efforts was a large body of detailed files gradually built up for each of Palestine’s villages.  

By the late 1940s, the “archive” was almost complete.  

  Precise details were recorded about the topographic location of each village, its access roads, quality of land, water springs, main sources of income, its sociopolitical composition, religious affiliations, names of its mukhtars, its relationship with other villages, the age of individual men (16–50), and much more

An important category was an index of “hostility” (toward the Zionist project, that is) as determined by the level of the village’s participation in the 1936–39 Arab Revolt. The 

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material included lists of everyone involved in the revolt and the families of those who had lost someone in the fight against the British. Particular attention was given to people alleged to have killed Jews.  

That this was no mere academic exercise in geography was immediately obvious to the regular members of the Haganah who were entrusted with collecting the data on “reconnaissance” missions into the villages. 

One of those who joined a data collection operation in 1940 was Moshe Pasternak, who recalled many years later: 

We had to study the basic structure of the Arab village.  

This means the structure and how best to attack it.  

 In the military schools, I had been taught how to attack a modern European city, not a primitive village in the Near East.  

We could not compare it [an Arab village] to a Polish, or an Austrian one. 

The Arab village, unlike the European ones, was built topographically on hills. 

That meant we had to find out how best to approach the village from above or enter it from below. 

We had to train our “Arabists” [the Orientalists who operated a network of collaborators] how best to work with informants.17 

Indeed, the difficulties of “working with informants” and creating a collaborationist system with the “primitive” people “who like to drink coffee and eat rice with their hands” were noted in many of the village files. 

Nonetheless, by 1943, Pasternak remembered, there was a growing sense that finally a proper network of informants was in place. 

That same year, the village files were rearranged to become even more systematic. 

This was mainly the work of one man, Ezra Danin,18 who was to play a leading role in the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. 

In many ways, it was the recruitment of Ezra Danin, who had been taken out of his successful citrus grove business for the purpose, that injected the intelligence work and the organization of the village files with a new level of efficiency 

Files in the post-1943 era included for each village detailed descriptions of the husbandry, cultivation, the number of trees in plantations, the quality of each fruit grove (even of individual trees!), the average land holding per family, the number of cars, the names of shop owners, members of workshops, and the names of the artisans and their skills.19

Later, meticulous details were added about each clan and its political affiliation, the social stratification between notables and common peasants, and the names of the civil servants in the Mandatory government. 

The antlike labor of the data collection created its own momentum, and around 1945 additional details began to appear such as descriptions of village mosques, the names of their imams (together with such characterizations as “he is an ordinary man”), and even precise accounts of the interiors of the homes of dignitaries. 

Not surprisingly, as the end of the Mandate approached, the information became more explicitly military orientated: the number of guards in each village (most had none) and the quantity and quality of arms at the villagers’ disposal (generally antiquated or even nonexistent).20     

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Danin recruited a German Jew named Yaacov Shimoni, later to become one of Israel’s leading Orientalists, and put him in charge of “special projects” in the villages, in particular supervising the work of the informants.21  

  (One of these informants, nicknamed the “treasurer” (ha-gizbar) by Danin and Shimoni, proved a fountain of information for the data collectors and supervised the collaborators’ network on their behalf until 1945, when he was exposed and killed by Palestinian militants.22)

Other colleagues working with Danin and Shimoni were Yehoshua Palmon and Tuvia Lishanski, who also took an active part in preparing for the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. 

Lishanski had already been busy in the 1940s orchestrating campaigns to forcibly evict tenants living on lands purchased by the JNF from present or absentee landlords. 

Not far from the village of Furiedis and the “veteran” Jewish settlement, Zikhron Yaacov, where today a road connects the coastal highway with Marj Ibn Amr (Emeq Izrael) through Wadi Milk, lies a youth village called Shefeya. 

It was here that in 1944 special units employed by the village files project received their training, and it was from here that they went out on their reconnaissance missions. 

Shefeya looked very much like a spy village in the cold war: Jews walking around speaking Arabic and trying to emulate what they believed were the customs and behavior of rural Palestinians.23 

3 Many years later, in 2002, one of the first recruits to this special training base recalled his first reconnaissance mission to the nearby village of Umm al-Zaynat in 1944.        

The aim had been to survey the village and bring back details of where the mukhtar lived, where the mosque was located, where the rich villagers lived, who had been active in the 1936–39 revolt, and so on.

  These were not dangerous missions, as the infiltrators knew they could exploit the traditional Arab hospitality code and were even guests at the home of the mukhtar himself.

As they failed to collect in one day all the data they were seeking, they asked to be invited back. 

For their second visit they had been instructed to make sure to get a good idea of the fertility of the land, whose quality seemed to have highly impressed them: in 1948, Umm al-Zaynat was destroyed and all its inhabitants expelled without any provocation on their part whatsoever.24 

The final update of the village files took place in 1947. It focused on creating lists of “wanted” persons in each village. 

In 1948, Jewish troops used these lists for the search-andarrest operations they carried out as soon as they had occupied a village.      

  That is, the men in the village would be lined up and those whose names appeared on the lists would be identified, often by the same person who had informed on them in the first place, but now wearing a cloth sack over his head with two holes cut out for his eyes so as not to be recognized.

The men who were picked out were often shot on the spot. 

Among the criteria for inclusion in these lists, besides having participated in actions against the British and the Zionists, were involvement in the Palestinian national movement (which could apply to entire villages) and having close ties to the leader of the movement, the Mufti Haj Amin alHusayni, or being affiliated with his political party.25    

  Given the Mufti’s dominance of Palestinian politics since the establishment of the Mandate in 1923, and the prominent positions held by members of his party in the Arab Higher Committee that became the embryo government of the Palestinians, this offense too was very common. Other reasons

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for being included in the list were such allegations as “known to have traveled to Lebanon” or “arrested by the British authorities for being a member of a national committee in the village.”26   

   An examination of the 1947 files shows that villages with about 1,500 inhabitants usually had 20–30 such suspects (for instance, around the southern Carmel mountains, south of Haifa, Umm al-Zaynat had 30 such suspects and the nearby village of Damun had 25).27

Yigael Yadin recalled that it was this minute and detailed knowledge of each and every Palestinian village that enabled the Zionist military command in November 1947 to conclude with confidence “that the Palestine Arabs had nobody to organize them properly.” 

The only serious problem was the British: “If not for the British, we could have quelled the Arab riot [the opposition to the UN Partition Resolution in 1947] in one month.”28 

GEARING UP FOR WAR 

As World War II drew to a close, the Zionist movement had obtained a much clearer general sense of how best to go about getting its state off the ground. 

By that time, it was clear that the Palestinians did not constitute a real obstacle to Zionist plans. True, they still formed the overwhelming majority in the land, and as such they were a demographic problem, but they were no longer feared as a military threat 

A crucial factor was that the British had already completely destroyed the Palestinian leadership and defense capabilities in 1939 when they suppressed the 1936–39 Arab Revolt, allowing the Zionist leadership ample time to set out their next moves. 

The Zionist leadership was also aware of the hesitant position that the Arab states as a whole were taking on the Palestine question. 

Thus, once the danger of Nazi invasion into Palestine had been removed, the Zionist leaders were keenly aware that the sole obstacle that stood in the way of their seizing the country was the British presence.          

As long as Britain had been holding the fort against Nazi Germany, it was impossible, of course, to pressure them.  

But with the end of the war, and especially with the postwar Labor government looking for a democratic solution in Palestine (which would have spelled doom for the Zionist project given the 75-percent Arab majority), it was clear that Britain had to go.

Some 100,000 British troops remained in Palestine after the war and, in a country with a population under two million, this definitely served as a deterrent, even after Britain cut back its forces somewhat following the Jewish terrorist attack on it headquarters in the King David Hotel.  

 It was these considerations that prompted Ben-Gurion to conclude that it was better to settle for less than the 100 percent demanded under the 1942 Biltmore program and that a slightly smaller state would be enough to allow the Zionist movement to fulfill its dreams and ambitions.29  

This was the issue that was debated by the movement in the final days of August 1946, when Ben-Gurion assembled the leadership of the Zionist movement at the Royal Monsue hotel in Paris.  

  Holding back the more extremist members, Ben-Gurion told the gathering that 80 to 90 percent of Mandatory Palestine was plenty for creating a viable state, provided

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 they were able to ensure Jewish predominance. “We will demand a large chunk of Palestine” he told those present.  

 A few months later the Jewish Agency translated Ben-Gurion’s “large chunk of Palestine” into a map which it distributed to the parties relevant to deciding the future of Palestine.  

  Interestingly, the Jewish Agency map, which was larger than the map proposed by the UN in November 1947, turned out to be, almost to the last dot, the map that emerged from the fighting in 1948–49: pre-1967 Israel, that is, Palestine without the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.30

The major topic on the Zionist agenda in 1946, the struggle against the British, resolved itself with Britain’s decision in February 1947 to quit Palestine and to transfer the Palestine question to the UN.   

In fact, the British had little choice: after the Holocaust they would never be able to deal with the looming Jewish rebellion as they had with the Arab one in the 1930s. 

Moreover, as the Labor party had made up its mind to leave India, Palestine lost much of its attraction. 

Fuel shortages during a particularly cold winter in 1947 drove the message home to London that the empire was soon to be a second-rate power, its global influence dwarfed by the two new superpowers (the United States and the Soviet Union) and its postwar economy crippled. 

Rather than hold onto remote places such as Palestine, the Labor party saw as its priority the building of a welfare state at home. In the end, Britain pulled out in a hurry, and with no regrets.31  

By the end of 1946, even before Britain’s decision, Ben-Gurion had already realized that the British were on their way out and, with his aides, began working on a general strategy that could be implemented against the Palestinian population the moment the British were gone.  

  This strategy became Plan C, or Gimel in Hebrew. Plan C was a revised version of two earlier plans.

Plan A was also named the “Elimelech Plan,” after Elimelech Avnir, the Haganah commander in Tel Aviv who in 1937, at Ben-Gurion’s request, had set out possible guidelines for the takeover of Palestine in the event of a British withdrawal. 

Plan B had been devised in 1946. 

Shortly thereafter, the two plans were fused to form Plan C.  

Like Plans A and B, Plan C aimed to prepare the Jewish community’s military forces for the offensive campaigns they would be waging against rural and urban Palestine after the departure of the British.   

  The purpose of such actions would be to “deter” the Palestinian population from attacking Jewish settlements and to retaliate for assaults on Jewish houses, roads, and traffic.

Plan C spelled out clearly what punitive actions of this kind would entail:   

Striking at the political leadership. 

Striking at inciters and their financial supporters. 

Striking at Arabs who acted against Jews. 

Striking at senior Arab officers and officials [in the Mandatory system]. 

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Hitting Palestinian transportation.

Damaging the sources of livelihood and vital economic targets (water wells, mills, etc.).  

Attacking villages, neighborhoods, likely to assist in future attacks. 

Attacking clubs, coffee houses, meeting places, etc. 

Plan C added that the data necessary for the successful performance of these actions could be found in the village files: lists of leaders, activists, “potential human targets,” the precise layout of villages, and so on.32 

The plan lacked operational specifics, however, and within a few months, a new plan was drawn up, Plan D (Dalet). 

This was the plan that sealed the fate of the Palestinians within the territory the Zionist leaders had set their eyes on for their future Jewish State. 

Unlike Plan C, it contained direct references both to the geographical parameters of the future Jewish state (the 78 percent provided for in the 1946 Jewish Agency map) and to the fate of the one million Palestinians living within that space: 

These operations can be carried out in the following manner: either by destroying villages (by setting fire to them, by blowing them up, and by planting mines in their rubble), and especially those population centers that are difficult to control permanently; or by mounting combing and control operations according to the following guidelines: encirclement of the villages, conducting a search inside them. In case of resistance, the armed forces must be wiped out and the population expelled outside the borders of the state.33  

No village within the planned area of operations was exempted from these orders, either because of its location or because it was expected to put up some resistance. 

This was the master plan for the expulsion of all the villages in rural Palestine 

Similar instructions were given, in much the same wording, for actions directed at Palestine’s urban centers. 

The orders coming through to the units in the field were more specific.  

The country was divided into zones according to the number of brigades, whereby the four original brigades of the Haganah were turned into twelve so as to facilitate implementing the plan  

Each brigade commander received a list of the villages or neighborhoods in his zone that had to be occupied, destroyed, and their inhabitants expelled, with exact dates 

Some commanders were overly zealous in executing their orders, adding other locations as the momentum of their operation carried them forward. 

Some of the orders, on the other hand, proved too ambitious and could not be implemented within the expected timetable. 

This meant that several villages on the coast that had been scheduled to be occupied in May were destroyed only in July. 

And the villages in the Wadi Ara area—a valley connecting the coast near Hadera with Marj Ibn Amr (Emeq Izrael) and Afula (today’s Route 65)—somehow 

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succeeded in surviving all the Jewish attacks until the end of the war. But they were the exception. 

For the most part, the destruction of the villages and urban neighborhoods, and the removal of their inhabitants, took place as planned. 

And by the time the direct order had been issued in March, thirty villages were already obliterated. 

A few days after Plan D was typed out, it was distributed among the commanders of the dozen brigades that now comprised the Haganah. 

With the list each commander received came a detailed description of the villages in his field of operation and their imminent fate— occupation, destruction, and expulsion. 

The Israeli documents released from the IDF archives in the late 1990s show clearly that, contrary to claims made by historians such as Benny Morris, Plan Dalet was handed down to the brigade commanders not as vague guidelines, but as clear-cut operative orders for action.34 

Unlike the general draft that was sent to the political leaders, the instructions and lists of villages received by the military commanders did not place any restrictions on how the action of destruction or expulsion was to be carried out. 

There were no provisions as to how villages could avoid their fate, for example through unconditional surrender, as promised in the general document.  

  There was another difference between the draft handed to the politicians and the one given to the military commanders: the official draft stated that the plan would not be activated until after the Mandate ended, whereas the officers on the ground were ordered to start executing it within a few days of its adoption.  

This dichotomy is typical of the relationship that exists in Israel between the army and politicians until today —the army quite often misinforms the politicians of their real intentions, as Moshe Dayan did in 1956, Ariel Sharon did in 1982, and Shaul Mofaz did in 2000.   

What the political version of Plan Dalet and the military directives had in common was the overall purpose of the scheme. In other words, even before the direct orders had reached the field, troops already knew exactly what was expected of them. 

The venerable and courageous Israeli fighter for civil rights, Shulamit Aloni, who was an officer at the time, recalls how special political officers would come down and actively incite the troops by demonizing the Palestinians and invoking the Holocaust as the point of reference for the operation ahead, often planned for the day after the indoctrination had taken place.35  

THE PARADIGM OF ETHNIC CLEANSING   

In my forthcoming book, I want to explore the mechanism of the ethnic cleansing of 1948 as well as the cognitive system that has allowed the world to forget and the perpetrators to deny the crime committed by the Zionist movement against the Palestinian people.   

In other words, I want to make the case for a paradigm of ethnic cleansing to replace the paradigm of war as the basis for the scholarly research of, and the public debate about, 1948.  

I have no doubt that the absence so far of the paradigm of ethnic cleansing is one reason why the denial of the catastrophe has gone on for so long. It is not that the Zionist  

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movement, in creating its nation-state, waged a war that “tragically but inevitably” led to the expulsion of “parts of the indigenous population.”   

  Rather, it is the other way round: the objective was the ethnic cleansing of the country the movement coveted for its new state, and the war was the consequence, the means to carry it out.

On 15 May 1948, the day after the official end of the Mandate and the day the State of Israel was proclaimed, the neighboring Arab states sent a small army—small in comparison to their overall military capability—to try to stop the ethnic cleansing operations that had already been in full swing for over a month. 

The war with the regular Arab armies did nothing to prevent the ongoing ethnic cleansing, which continued to its successful completion in the autumn of 1948.    

To many, the idea of adopting the paradigm of ethnic cleansing as the a priori basis for the narrative of 1948 may appear no more than an indictment.  

 And in many ways, it is indeed my own J’Accuse against the politicians who devised the ethnic cleansing and the generals who carried it out.   

These men are not obscure. 

They are the heroes of the Jewish war of independence, and their names will be quite familiar to most readers. 

The list begins with the indisputable leader of the Zionist movement, David Ben-Gurion, in whose private home all the chapters in the ethnic cleansing scheme were discussed and finalized. 

He was aided by a small group of people I refer to as the “Consultancy,” an ad-hoc cabal assembled solely for the purpose of planning the dispossession of the Palestinians.36 

 In one of the rare documents that records the meeting of this body, it is referred to as the Consultant Committee—Haveadah Hamyeazet; in another document the eleven names of the committee appear.37 

 Though these names were all erased by the censor, it has been possible to reconstruct them.  

This caucus prepared the plans for the ethnic cleansing and supervised its execution until the job of uprooting half of Palestine’s native population had been completed.  

  It included first and foremost the top-ranking officers of the future state’s army, such as the legendary Yigael Yadin and Moshe Dayan.

They were joined by figures little known outside Israel but well grounded in the local ethos, such as Yigal Alon and Yitzhak Sadeh, followed by regional commanders, such as Moshe Kalman, who cleansed the Safad area, and Moshe Carmel, who uprooted most of the Galilee. 

Yitzhak Rabin operated both in al-Lyyd and Ramleh, as well as in the Greater Jerusalem area. Shimon Avidan cleansed the south; many years later Rehavam Ze’evi, who fought with him, said admiringly that he “cleansed his front from tens of villages and towns.”38 

Also on the southern front was Yitzhak Pundak, who told Ha’Aretz in 2004, “There were two hundred villages [in the front] and they are gone. We had to destroy them, otherwise we would have had Arabs here [namely in the southern part of Palestine] as we have in Galilee. We would have had another million Palestinians.”39 

  These military men commingled with what nowadays we would call the “Orientalists”: experts on the Arab world at large, and the Palestinians in particular, either because they themselves came from Arab lands or because they were scholars in the field of Middle Eastern studies.

Some of these were intelligence officers on the ground during this crucial period. 

Far from being mere collectors of data on the “enemy,” intelligence officers not only 

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played a major role in preparing for the cleansing, but some also personally took part in some of the worst atrocities that accompanied the systematic dispossession of the Palestinians.  

  It was they who were given the final authority to decide which villages would be ground to dust and which villagers would be executed.40

In the memories of Palestinian survivors, they were the ones who, after a village or neighborhood had been occupied, decided the fate of its peasants or town dwellers, which could mean imprisonment or freedom or spell the difference between life and death. 

Their operations in 1948 were supervised by Issar Harel, who later became the first head of Mossad and the Shin Bet, Israel’s secret services. 

I mention their names, but my purpose in doing so is not that I want to see them posthumously brought to trial. 

Rather, my aim here and in my book is to humanize the victimizers as well as the victims: 

: I want to prevent the crimes Israel committed from being attributed to such elusive factors as “the circumstances,” “the army,” or, as Benny Morris has it, “la guerre comme la guerre,” and similar vague references that let sovereign states off the hook and give individuals a clear conscience. 

I accuse, but I am also part of the society that stands condemned. 

 I feel both responsible for, and part of, the story.   

But like others in my own society, I am also convinced that a painful journey into the past is the only way forward if we want to create a better future for us all, Palestinians and Israelis alike. 

NOTES 

1. The composition of the group that met is the product of a mosaic reconstruction of several documents, as will be demonstrated in my book, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2006). 

The document summarizing the meeting is found in the Israel Defense Force Archives [IDFA], GHQ/Operations branch, 10 March 1948, File no. 922/75/595, and in the Haganah Archives [HA], File no. 73/94. 

The description of the meeting is repeated by Israel Galili in the Mapai center meeting, 4 April 1948, found in the HA, File no. 80/50/18. Chapter 4 of my book also documents the messages that went out on 10 March as well as the eleven meetings prior to finalizing of the plan, of which full minutes were recorded only for the January meeting. 

2. The historian Meir Pail claims, in From Haganah to the IDF [in Hebrew] (Tel Aviv: Zemora Bitan Modan, n.d.), p. 307, that the orders were sent a week later 

For the dispatch of the orders, see also Gershon Rivlin and Elhanan Oren, The War of Independence: Ben-Gurion’s Diary, vol. 1 (Tel Aviv: Ministry of Defense, 1982), p. 147. 

The orders dispatched to the Haganah brigades to move to State D—Mazav Dalet—and from the brigades to the battalions can be found in HA, File no. 73/94, 16 April 1948. 

3. On Plan Dalet, which was approved in its broad lines several weeks before that meeting, see Uri Ben-Eliezer, The Emergence of Israeli Militarism, 1936–1956 (Tel Aviv: Dvir, 1995), p. 253: “Plan Dalet aimed at cleansing of villages, expulsion of Arabs from mixed towns.” 

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4. State Department Special Report, “Erasing History: Ethnic Cleansing in Kosovo,” 10 May 1999.

5. “The Ethnic Cleansing of Bosnia-Hercegovina: A Staff Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations,” U.S. Senate, August 1992, S.PRT. 102–103. 

6. United Nations, “Report Following Security Council Resolution 819,” 16 April 1993 

7. Drazen Petrovic, “Ethnic Cleansing: An Attempt at Methodology,” European Journal of International Law 5, no. 3 (1994), pp. 342–60. 

8. On Peel, see Charles D. Smith, Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Boston and New York: Beford/St. Martin’s Press, 2004), pp. 135–37 

9. Smith, Palestine, pp. 167–68        

10. Ben-Gurion Archives [BGA], Ben-Gurion Diary, 12 July 1937  

  11. “The Inelegance Service and the Village Files, 1940–1948” (prepared by Shimri Salomon), Bulletin of the Haganah Archives, issues 9–10 (2005).

12. For a critical survey of the JNF, see Uri Davis, Apartheid Israel: Possibilities for the Struggle Within (London: Zed Books, 2004). 

13. Shabtai Teveth, Ben-Gurion and the Palestinian Arabs: From Peace to War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985). 

14. Teveth, Ben-Gurion. 

15. HA, File no. 66.8 

16. Testimony of Yoeli Optikman, HA, Village Files, File 24/9, 16 January 2003.     

  17. HA, File no. 1/080/451, 1 December 1939

18. HA, File no. 194/7, pp. 1–3, given on 19 December 2002. 

19. John Bierman and Colin Smith, Fire in the Night: Wingate of Burma, Ethiopia, and Zion (New York: Random House, 1999). 

20. HA, Files no. S25/4131, no. 105/224, and no. 105/227, and many others in this series, each dealing with a different village. 

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  21. Hillel Cohen, The Shadow Army: Palestinian Collaborators in the Service of Zionism [in Hebrew] (Jerusalem: Hozata Ivrit, 2004).

22. Interview with Palti Sela, HA, File no. 205.9, 10 January 1988. 

23. Interview, HA, File no. 194.7, pp. 1–3, 19 December 2002 

24. HA, Village Files, File no. 105/255 files from January 1947 

25. IDFA, File no. 114/49/5943, orders from 13 April 1948. 

26. IDFA, File no. 105.178. 

27. HA, Village Files, File no. 105/255, from January 1947. 

28. Quoted in Harry Sacher, Israel: The Establishment of a State (London: Wiedenfels and Nicloson, 1952), p. 217. 

29. On British policy, see Ilan Pappé, Britain and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–1951 (London: St. Antony’s/Macmillan Press, 1984) 

30. Moshe Sluzki interview with Moshe Sneh in Gershon Rivlin, ed., Olive Leaves and Sword: Documents and Studies of the Haganah [in Hebrew] (Tel Aviv: IDF Publications, 1990), pp. 9– 40 

31. See Pappé, Britain.              

  32. Yehuda Sluzki, The Haganah Book, vol. 3, part 3 [in Hebrew] (Tel Aviv: IDF Publications, 1964), p. 1942.

33. The English translation is in Walid Khalidi, “Plan Dalet: Master Plan for the Conquest of Palestine,” Journal of Palestine Studies 38, no. 1 (Autumn 1988), pp. 4–20. 

34. See discussion of State D (Mazav Dalet)—that is, the transition from Plan D to its actual implementation—in chapter 5 of Pappé, Ethnic Cleansing. 

35. The plan distributed to the soldiers and the first direct commands are in IDFA, File no. 1950/2315 File 47, 11 May 1948. 

36. The most important meetings are described in chapter 3 of Pappé, Ethnic Cleansing 

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  37. “From Ben-Gurion to Galili and the Members of the Committee,” BGA, Correspondence Section, 1.01.1948–07.01.48, documents 79–81. The document also provides a list of forty Palestinians leaders that are target for assassination by the Haganah forces.

38. Yedi’ot Aharonot, 2 February 1992. 

39. Ha’Aretz, 21 May 2004. 

40. For details, see Pappé, Ethnic Cleansing. The authority to destroy can be found in the orders sent on 10 March to the troops and specific orders authorizing executions are in IDFA, File no. 5943/49 doc. 114, 13 April 1948. 

Source : Institute for Palestine Studies URL : http://www.palestine-studies.org/en/journals/abstract.php? id=7175

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Reacties uitgeschakeld voor Article by Ilan Pappe, published in Journal of Palestine Studies, 2006/The 1948 Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine

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